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Reason Magazine on Libertarianism as a Social Movement. Since access to the various tools that free people from the "gatekeepers" seems to be a prerequisite, I can see why "Progressives" want to stifle the Internet, restrict technologies like 3D printers and so on. The issue for them is that apolitical people get their hands on these enabling technologies, and suddenly discover "hey, I can do all these things by myself". The second act is when the newly empowered run up against the rules, regulationa and taxes the gatekeepers have set, and realize "these people are in my way".

Of course it is also easy to subvert Leftist dogma if you are clever and wiling to turn their language against them: a person who grows a "Victory garden" in their backyard or balcony and saves money on their grocery bill is also not paying very much in the way of sales tax, but can always get praise from Progressives by saying they are "eating local" or talking about the "environment". Similarly, establishing cooperative networks of similarly minded people to trade specialty goods and services amongst each other bypasses a lot of the regulatory radar but can usually be passed off a "supporting the local economy".

http://reason.com/blog/2013/12/06/lefties-contemplate-the-pain-of-cyberlib

Lefties Contemplate the Pain of "Cyberlibertarianism,"
Wonder Where They'll Ever Find a Centralized World to Manage Choice and Behavior
Brian Doherty|Dec. 6, 2013 3:10 pm

David Golumbia writing at Jacobin is steamed at the supposed "deletion of the left" by supposedly dominant "cyberlibertarians."

He starts off going wrong with a rather gross misunderstanding of what being "of the left" in American terms means these days:

The digital revolution, we are told everywhere today, produces democracy. It gives “power to the people” and dethrones authoritarians; it levels the playing field for distribution of information critical to political engagement; it destabilizes hierarchies, decentralizes what had been centralized, democratizes what was the domain of elites.

Most on the Left would endorse these ends. The widespread availability of tools whose uses are harmonious with leftist goals would, one might think, accompany broad advancement of those goals in some form. Yet the Left today is scattered, nearly toothless in most advanced democracies. If digital communication technology promotes leftist values, why has its spread coincided with such a stark decline in the Left’s political fortunes?

What the left really wants is a centralized elite authority that pursues particular ends it claims to desire, often allegedly on behalf of "the people"; people who really want dethroned authority, free flow of information, and decentralization are libertarians.

Why would a left that wants to see a world shaped to its own particular desires--about income distribution, market and personal choice and behavior, and forced change in people's transportation, energy, and consumption choices, embrace a world of greater decentralization and choice?

Rather than engaging the real reasons why the mentality implied by the "digital revolution" hasn't lad to a resurgent leftist world of policy, Golumbia decides to blame those who actually recognize that there is a pretty natural connection between digital practice and ideology and libertarianism. What's more, he gets mad at leftists in the digital realm who even hold any truck with libertarians:

When computers are involved, otherwise brilliant leftists who carefully examine the political commitments of most everyone they side with suddenly throw their lot in with libertarians — even when those libertarians explicitly disavow Left principles in their work.

This, much more than overt digital libertarianism, should concern the Left, and anyone who does not subscribe to libertarian politics. It is the acceptance by leftists of the largely rhetorical populist politics and explicitly pro-business thought of figures like Clay Shirky (who repeatedly argues that representative democratic and public bodies have no business administering public resources but must defer to “disruptive” forces like Napster) and Yochai Benkler (whose Wealth of Networks is roundly celebrated as heralding an anticapitalist “sharing economy,” yet remains firmly rooted in capitalist economics) that should concern us....

The first line above is wonderful: markets and most especially the Internet (where no one knows you are a dog, if you don't want them to) are wonderful realms for mutually pleasurable and valuable interactions where, blessedly, ancient obsessions about agreement on religions, or race or culture, are irrelevant. They are even places where political belief can be glossed over, to get to where what I'm implying will stop making sense to many people even though the beautiful advantages for peace and mutual advantage of just treating certain things as irrelevent to civilized interaction are the same as in the old Enlightenment project of getting over race, religion, and gender, and nationality in deciding who we'll tolerate.

But to the leftist, one must "carefully examine the political commitments of most everyone they side with...." and act accordingly.

The rest of the essay goes on (among many other things, including relying on Philip Mirowski's tendentious vision of libertarianism's dark soul) to make typical category errors about what he's speaking about (no, libertarian belief in liberty and spontaneous order is the very opposite of his claim that "cyberlibertarianism holds that society’s problems can be solved by simply construing them as engineering and software problems"); usual assumptions that anything anyone might make a profit at is for that very reason suspect and unsavory; and a core vagueness about what exactly leftist goals are, because sometimes just saying: "managing everyone's lives and a vast roundrobin distribution of wealth in all directions via a massive national machinery of power that we then hope will do the nice things we approve of with it" can be a hard sell.

The digital revolution has given us 3D printers--which help people make guns regardless of regulation. It has given us the means to gamble from our own homes. It has given us an experimental currency outside government control and management. It has allowed communities of affinity to discover facts and arguments they would not have the means to encounter in a more centralized world of news and communication, and propelled strange candidates like Ron Paul to prominence.

All that has not been accident. It is inherent in a very libertarian-at-heart "digital revolution."

The Left alas, will have to invent its own institutions and methods to get what it wants--like, say, an attempt to register and restrict access to and prohibit tools of personal defense, picayune shaping of people's choices of fun, a huge central bank by which to manage the currency for its elite needs and enrich the well connected, and politicians who say only those things that near majorities want to hear. Wherever will the Left find its dream coming true? I feel for them.

I took on an earlier iteration of crummily argued attacks on techno-libertarians back in 2000, in a review of Paulina Borsook's book Cyberselfish.
 
ERC, among other posters, have decried the "social conservative" wings of various political movements. This article suggests that not only has their day passed, but the very issues they raise are strengthening the ideas of libertarianism (although as I have pointed out many times, libertarianism is more of a social rather than a political movement). Still, dumping many of these ideas from the political arena back to the social arena where they rightfully belong provides a powerful means of shrinking government size and power: Libertarian ideals

http://reason.com/blog/2014/02/09/are-social-cons-saving-liberalism-roger

Are Social Cons Saving Liberalism? Roger L. Simon Thinks So, Sees Libertarian Shift as Future of Conservatives, GOP
Nick Gillespie|Feb. 9, 2014 9:45 am

A few weeks back over at PJ Media, Roger L. Simon penned an interesting piece arguing that social conservatives are helping liberals out by pushing culture-war themes in an America that has long moved on to more basic economic issues of governance. It's not that personal lifestyle issues don't matter, he says, it's that most of them (maybe all of them) should be dealt with in non-political channels.

Perhaps most interestingly, this came before Attorney General Eric Holder's announcement (long overdue, IMO) that the federal government would practice marriage equality.

Citing polls that we use frequently here at Reason.com, Simon notes with approval that distrust of government is at record highs and that a new generation of kids are growing up sans a lot of their parents' baggage:

When you come down to it, virtually nothing associated with the liberal platform met with their approval — even legalization of marijuana was dealt with in most instances with a shrug — except, you guessed it, same-sex marriage.

That appears to be the one issue militating against a coming Republican majority, but it is an exceptionally potent one because it is used, fairly or not, to paint the right as bigots.  And young people, again not surprisingly, don’t want to hang with bigots — so the whole house of cards goes down.

On the other hand, I sensed no hostility toward religious people.  Several of these kids were religious — a few devoutly. They were quite thoughtful on the subject of abortion with a variety of  views. But to them gay marriage was a done deal. Remember, they come from a generation in which nearly all of their gay contemporaries are out. These are their friends and classmates that are being discriminated against.

In terms of politics, Simon looks toward libertarianism as the ideology of the future. Not because it stops discussion over any issue, but because libertarianism removes many of those issues from politics and put them back in places better suited to hashing out differences. It's a stark - and I think convincing - message to conservatives and one they should heed when considering political alliances. Any energy coming from Republicans these days is because of the large failure of Barack Obama and liberal Democrats' political agenda and because of the libertarian wing of the GOP and its focus on civil liberties, foreign policy, and fiscal rectitude. It's not because cultural warriors are getting the vapors over the gays or drugs or the need to triple defense spending.

People under 40 (plus or minus a decade!) simply don't think about things the way Americans did a generation or two ago and many of the political linkages borne out of the Cold War era in U.S. politics - especially on a broadly defined right - are simply defunct. Indeed, even among religious Americans, the once-hugely important dividing lines among Evangelicals, Catholics, and Jews have dissolved in a way that was unthinkable during Ronald Reagan's first presidential term (back then, ecumenism was a dirty word and Jerry Falwell was as likely to fulminate against Roman Catholics as against any group in America).

Simon concludes:

I have to say in all candor that political opposition to same-sex marriage is the Achilles’ heel of the right going into 2016. Social conservatives who intend to make a serious issue out of it should realize that the fallout from their views could adversely affect all of us in a catastrophic way.

No one is going to be happy here. SoCons who continue to press this issue on the political (not the personal or religious) stage have to realize that they are damaging many of us who have other concerns domestic and foreign, many of which we would probably agree on more easily.

This is a great moment.  A seriously smaller government is a real possibility with electoral victories in 2014 and 2016.  Let’s not jeopardize them by emphasizing an issue more properly, and unquestionably more successfully, dealt with in the private realm.

Read his whole column.

Simon's libertarian swerve started a discussion among other PJ Media columnists, which is gathered here.
 
An astute analysis of why Libertarianism isn't an attractive political movement. Since Politics is (as defined in organizational theory) "a means of allocating scarce resources", people will vote for whoever promises to supply them with these scarce resources. Libertarians, on the other hand, are concerned with people holding on to their already existing resources, and their ability to maximize the use and utility of these resources. This is a much less attractive proposition on the campaign trail, although in the "real world", people have to maximize the use of their own resources, hence the growth of the "Libertarian as a social movement" ideal, as opposed to a political movement.

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/03/rand-paul-america-hates-liberterians-104858.html#.UyzKKF7-WmE

Ready for Rand?

Americans hate Rand Paul’s libertarianism. They just don’t know it yet.


By KEVIN D. WILLIAMSON

March 20, 2014
 
Rand Paul’s admirers, and more than a few of his enemies, believe the country is having a “libertarian moment”—from Tea Partiers in Topeka to Silicon Valley techno-separatists who dream of going Galt. We’ve had these moments before, but each time they come and go without the elevation of a libertarian to high office or the advancement of libertarian ideas. There’s a reason for that, and Sen. Rand Paul is just learning why now.

The problem for libertarian politicians is that Americans hate libertarianism. They like Social Security and minimum-wage hikes, they are still somewhat wary of free trade and they resent that the world is full of conniving and frequently swarthy foreigners who are scheming to provide us with goods and services in exchange for little green pieces of paper. Four times as many Americans support pulling out of NAFTA or renegotiating it as support staying in. Paul, on the other hand, wants to make the whole world a free-trade zone: He scores 100 percent on the libertarian Cato Institute’s free-trade index. Libertarian ideas might appeal to voters on principle—in a poll last fall, 22 percent of Americans said they identify as or “lean” libertarian. But in the voting booth Americans don’t have principles; they have interests.

Nearly every election cycle, a poll comes out suggesting that many Americans, and a big chunk of swing voters, think of themselves as “fiscally conservative but socially liberal,” and therefore possibly open to libertarian candidates who want to police the deficit but not your sex life. These voters are the political equivalent of people who describe themselves as “spiritual but not religious.” It’s basically an empty formulation to avoid picking a side or a fight; it’s shallow, but it sounds good. The problem, at least for Rand Paul, is that “fiscally conservative but socially liberal” is not a long way of saying “libertarian.” Paul’s libertarianism is intended to offer a little something for everybody, on the left and right—spending cuts for the Republican base, legal relief for potheads, a presidential pat on the head for gay people. But if he gets serious about substantive reform along these lines, his libertarianism is instead going to offer something to outrage everybody.

Start with the so-called fiscal conservatives. Spend a few hours listening to second-tier talk radio or engage with some real-life American voters for a few hours, and you will discover that there is practically no market for fiscal conservatism. Ask them how they think we should go about balancing the budget, for instance, and they’ll inevitably respond: by cutting foreign aid, which American voters believe makes up about a third of the federal budget. Rand Paul’s repeated calls to end foreign aid—to Egypt, to countries where the American flag is burned, to anybody else he can think of—is a reliable applause line for the gentleman from Kentucky; giving away aid is just one more of those foreign entanglements George Washington warned us about. But what many of his admirers do not understand is that his opposition to foreign aid isn’t principally fiscal but ideological: Foreign aid’s portion of the budget is actually miniscule—closer to 1 percent. Even if we cut it all, the savings would be trivial.

When it comes to balancing the budget, Paul is more likely to cut off aid to your mom. That’s where the money is. We spend almost all of the federal budget on a handful of programs: Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and defense. So any plausible, politically sustainable campaign to impose some sanity on America’s national finances is going to mean reforming—i.e., cutting—all of those. How unpopular is that? Solid majorities of Americans oppose cutting Social Security and Medicare benefits and raising taxes to pay for them, even though a larger majority also believes that the cost of those programs will create economic problems. The number of people who think we spend too much on the military hasn’t topped the 50-percent mark since the Vietnam War. Think about George W. Bush’s attempt at Social Security reform, which left him the loneliest man in Washington. Or consider that in 2012, fiscal conservative wonk-emperor Paul Ryan ran for the vice presidency on a campaign that blasted the Obama administration for making Medicare cuts. Which is to say, even the man in Washington most associated with the words “fiscal conservative” knows better than to run as one. Fiscal conservatives might applaud Rand Paul when he talks about getting Afghan President Hamid Karzai off of welfare, but they’ll scream if he comes within five miles of their Social Security checks. Any candidate who’s serious about fiscal reform is going to be a hard sell in 2016—or any other year.

If the fair-weather fiscal conservatives don’t like Rand Paul, the phony social liberals are going to loathe him. Here’s where the English language fails us: “Liberal” and “libertarian” come from the same linguistic root, meaning “liberty,” and many libertarians will describe themselves among friends as “classical liberals”—political heirs to the Whigs and the Manchester free-traders. But “socially liberal” and “socially libertarian” today mean almost precisely opposite things. If there is one thing our “social liberals” hate, it is liberty. In their view, you’re free to do as they please.

Kevin D. Williamson is roving correspondent for National Review and author, most recently, of The End Is Near and It’s Going To Be Awesome.

Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/03/rand-paul-america-hates-liberterians-104858.html#ixzz2wnK3xm8h
 
Thucydides said:
An astute analysis of why Libertarianism isn't an attractive political movement. Since Politics is (as defined in organizational theory) "a means of allocating scarce resources", people will vote for whoever promises to supply them with these scarce resources. Libertarians, on the other hand, are concerned with people holding on to their already existing resources, and their ability to maximize the use and utility of these resources. This is a much less attractive proposition on the campaign trail, although in the "real world", people have to maximize the use of their own resources, hence the growth of the "Libertarian as a social movement" ideal, as opposed to a political movement.

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/03/rand-paul-america-hates-liberterians-104858.html#.UyzKKF7-WmE


Very true.

I do not identify as a libertarian, but I am, like Rand Paul, an absolute free trader because my reading of history is that free trade always and everywhere meets the utilitarian test of doing the greatest good for the greatest number.

I believe in much, much smaller and less intrusive government. If I was prime minister for a day this list would, at the end of that day, be only ⅓ to ½ its current length and the civil service would be concomitantly smaller.

I believe in four absolutely fundamental, nonnegotiable rights ~ I assert that we have the right, indeed the duty, to rise up in violent revolution if the government, our government, interferes with life, liberty and property, as defined by John Locke, in 17th century England, and privacy as defined, late in the 19th century, by Warren and Brandeis in the USA.

But I believe also in a well regulated society, in "peace, order and good government," and I understand, accept and support government, in its proper sphere.

I accept that no one agrees with me and I understand that I will be burdened with fat, inefficient, economically illiterate governments that, now and again, do the right things, albeit too often for the wrong reasons ... because everyone gets to vote.


Edit: grammar  :-[
 
Looking up the list of Eastern Prime Ministers I came across this organization.

Liberal International Manifesto

Never heard of them before.  And I am suspicious of any outfit that adds democratic and international to their vocabulary.

Having said that I can agree with most of the early clauses of this manifesto.  It is the later stuff where words like reactionary and government responsibility show up that I get leary.

Declaration of Brussels - 16th June 1946

We the Delegates of the under-mentioned parties, namely:

The Liberal Party of Belgium
The Liberal Party of Great Britain
The Radical Socialist Party of France
The Radical Party of Denmark
The Party of Freedom of Holland
The Radical Democratic Party of Switzerland
The Popular Party of Sweden
The Liberal Party of Italy and
The Representative of the Spanish Liberals in Exile,

assembled in Brussels, on the 16th of June 1946, for the celebration of the Centenary of the foundation of the Belgian Liberal Party, at the time when the devastation caused by two savage world wars has provoked disorder in the minds of men and chaos in the economic condition of the people, affirm our common faith and our principles by the following declaration which we call the Declaration of Brussels.

1. We assert our faith in the spiritual Liberty of Man. We oppose every form of Government which fails to guarantee to all its people liberty of conscience, liberty of the press, liberty of association and of the free expression and publication of their beliefs and opinions.

2. We oppose every reactionary or totalitarian form of Government. We assert our faith in political liberty and democracy. No country is democratic if it fails to safeguard the fundamental rights of the human personality, personal freedom, the right of free criticism, the recognition by the Government of its responsibility towards its People, the independence of the administration of Law and Justice, and unless its political form is based on consent which must be conscious, free and enlightened.

3. Convinced as we are that the suppression of economic freedom leads inevitably to the disappearance of political freedom, we affirm our confidence in an economic system which respects private initiative, the spirit of enterprise and responsibility. We oppose those solutions which place all the National Economy in the hands of the State and we assert that it is possible to avoid economic anarchy and at the same time maintain the essential forms and habits of Freedom. Conscious as we are that political liberty cannot be separated from the well-being and progress of Society, we desire to see established everywhere a system of Government which shall be democratic in its economy and in its form and which, on the one hand, progressively and in conformity with the special conditions in each country, associates the workers with the benefits and the administration of all enterprises, and which, on the other hand, safeguards everyone against want, disease and unemployment.

4. We believe that war can only be abolished by a World Organisation, including all Nations, great and small, under the same Law and Equity. World peace and universal Economic prosperity demand the free exchange of goods and services, the free circulation of men and of capital, the abolition of all barriers to the complete economic relations between states, and, in the interest of the consumers the creation of a form of control over cartels and monopolies whether national or international.

5. Finally, we assert that our aim is to develop among men a faith in education and in the value of character, to give them a sense of liberty and responsibility and to fit them for service to their country and to mankind, and we assert that, in view of the growing danger of political and economic tyranny, the free man, endowed with a social and international conscience, is the hope of the world.
 
I have opposed political views and agree with that manifesto.

Slight problem with the free trade thing as I've seen some cancer villages overseas. Environmental costs need to be factored into trade. Things like workers with no protective equipment or health insurance working with heavy metals that they dump into the river afterwards. Liberty to exploit others is not something I want. I want to compete on a level playing field. I actually liked working in a factory decades ago when we still had some.
 
E.R. Campbell said:
But I believe also in a well regulated society, in "peace, order and good government," and I understand, accept and support government, in its proper sphere.

I accept that no one agrees with me and I understand that I will be burdened with fat, inefficient, economically illiterate governments that, now and again, do the right things, albeit too often for the wrong reasons ... because everyone gets to vote.

Well said. And I agree but there's only two of us. And broken clocks can be right twice per day!

A podcast I listen to frequently asked the question "if you know little to nothing about the issues or the candidates, should you vote?" or words to that effect.

The podcaster suggested that maybe a voter threshhold knowledge test should be administered prior to voting......
 
Because of the corruption of language and the "dumbing down" of the spheres of discussion and debate (in many fora, making a statement outside of the Progressive ideology will result in your being shouted down with charges of "racism", somethingphobia, or being a Fascist with the intention of ending the discussion right there), the Libertarian philosophy is misunderstood and misrepresented.

Edward, while he may not identify as a Libertarian, expresses the main concepts of Libertarianism (specifically Minarchism i.e. the smallest possible government needed to do the job), and many other people on this board have similar principles in theory. Libertarianism is an offshoot of classical Liberalism (not what passes for "Liberal" these days). While Wikipedia should always be used with caveats, their introduction to the topic is a good summary:

Libertarianism (Latin: liber, "free")[1] is a set of related political philosophies that uphold liberty as the highest political end.[2][3] This includes emphasis on the primacy of individual liberty,[4][5] political freedom, and voluntary association. It is an antonym of authoritarianism.[6] Although libertarians share a skepticism of governmental authority, they diverge on the extent and character of their opposition. Different schools of libertarianism offer a range of views concerning the legitimate functions of government, while others contend that the state should not exist at all. For instance, minarchists propose a state limited in scope to preventing aggression, theft, breach of contract and fraud, while anarchists advocate its complete elimination as a political system.[7][8][9][10][11][12] While some libertarians advocate laissez-faire capitalism and private property rights, such as in land and natural resources, others wish to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management (see libertarian socialism).[13][14][15][16]

In the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, libertarianism is defined as the moral view that agents initially fully own themselves and have certain moral powers to acquire property rights in external things.[17] Libertarian philosopher Roderick Long defines libertarianism as "any political position that advocates a radical redistribution of power from the coercive state to voluntary associations of free individuals", whether "voluntary association" takes the form of the free market or of communal co-operatives.[18] In the United States, the term libertarianism is often used as a synonym for combined economic and cultural liberalism while outside that country there is a strong tendency to associate libertarianism with anarchism.

The United States actually operated as a Libertarian nation in the past, in the book "Democracy in America", Alexis de Tocqueville characterized the United States as "a nation of associations", and this also falls in with the classical liberal position of life being made possible by the action of "the Little Platoons" as articulated by Edmund Burke. Modern society has displaced the "Little Platoons" of church congregations, rotary clubs, civic leagues and town halls with a massive bureaucracy and overwhelming State, and in many societies which never developed the Little Platoons (beyond tribal and clan associations) would not be able to transition to a minarchist nation-state should the State collapse or be overthrown.

The societies and nations of the Anglosphere do have a history and ongoing association with "Little Platoons" (although much weakened these days), which explains the rise of Libertarianism as a Social movement; *we* have a model to fall back on as the Progressive project unwinds and collapses.
 
They are not doing too good lately. One of the best metrics to judge a political system is the level of coercion they need to control their citizens. 
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A very large portion of this is from the war on drugs.
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They are not doing too good lately. One of the best metrics to judge a political system is the level of coercion they need to control their citizens. 

A very large portion of this is from the war on drugs.

By my math, with an approximate U.S. population of 350 million, there are 2.6 million inmates.  Your second statistic shows a total of ~100,000 federal inmates due to drug charges, that's hardly a "very large portion".

You are tying inmate population to government coercion in the United States, based on what?  When you promote the needs of the individual over the needs of society, many people just take it too far and neglect the rights of others in the pursuit of their own goals.  They break the law, and they go to jail.  Societies that meet the needs of individuals through the collective efforts of their social groups, such as seen in Japanese culture, can actually reduce the number of individuals breaking the law.  It is ingrained that personal liberties do not take priority over the rights and needs of others.

I am also not too sure what your point is with respect to the war on drugs statistic.  Are you suggesting that illicit drugs be legalized?  I could only imagine the anarchy that would ensue if heroin, crystal meth, cocaine, bath salts, and the like were legal.  Illicit drugs have absolutely no intrinsic value to society, have no benefit to the users, drastically impact individuals' health and behaviour, and are a drag on the health system.  For these reasons I absolutely agree with the criminalization of hard drugs.  Turning a blind eye to the problem doesn't solve it, it only promotes it.

I wholeheartedly support individual rights and freedoms, but only to the extent that they do not impose on the rights and freedoms of others.  The government tries its best, in my opinion, to keep individual liberties in mind when creating the laws of the land.  There needs to be a balance between the rights of the individual and the rights of others, and it is when the rights of others are violated that new laws are created.
 
Much of what you say is true, Griffon, but not quite in the way you think. In Japanese and some Asian cultures, the basic building block of society is the family rather than the individual, and cooperation and deference is (or at least was) a result of cultural factors and ingrained into people with their mother's milk. Not to say there is anything wrong with this, but cultural factors are very strong in understanding the "how" and "why" people behave the way they do. As Edward often points out, China is a Conservative culture, so the appeal of Libertarianism as a political philosophy will be rather limited there.

Nemo is of course avoiding the real arguments as developed upthread. Coercion against the citizenry takes many forms, and the most obvious one these days is attempts to limit the unfettered use of property through high levels of taxation and regulatory interference, followed by attacks against free speech. Canada at least has made a small reversal in eliminating the notorious "Section 13" in legislation involving "Human Rights Commissions", but notice it is a State institution (Human Rights Commission) that is used to attack and censor free speech. The growth of ubiquitous State surveillance such as exposed by Edward Snowdon should also be of great concern, since this data is collected and stored without warrant or suspicion of wrongdoing, and once in the hands of the State, can be manipulated or used for any purpose (consider that in "small world theory" AKA "six degrees of separation" you can be meaningfully linked to almost anyone in just a few series of steps).

There should be consequences to actions, so I do support the idea of drug laws. My concern is the level of "proportionality", to my mind, many of the milder forms of recreational drugs can and should be treated like tobacco or alcohol, with punishments linked to misuse (much like drunk driving charges).
 
I wasn't trying to get too much in depth as to why the Japanese society is the way it is, but you've definitely hit the nail on the head.  My point was just to show that a correlation could be made between their culture and the number of inmates.  Selfish motivations such as greed can lead individuals to crime to meet their goals, landing them in prison, but there is nothing criminal about finding happiness in one's family life.

As for the drug problem, it's obviously not an easy problem to solve.  I can see substances like marijuana being legalized and regulated just as tobacco or alcohol, and maybe even MDMA, but that's about as far as I would entertain it.  I am not that that well educated on the strategies that have been used to try to curb the drug trade in the last 40 years, and so would not presume to know what needs to be done to solve the problem, but I don't think the penalties for the manufacturers and traffickers are extreme.  As for the end users, arguments are made that these individuals just need to be rehabilitated, but that isn't always true.  Rehabilitation requires in intrinsic motivation on the part of the addict to be effective, otherwise regression to drug-use is almost inevitable.  The government is trying to curb drug abuse through stiffer penalties due to, I believe, frustration from the lack of effectiveness in education and other deterrence efforts along with relatively high rates of relapse, and are probably trying to have stiffer penalties as a further deterrent.  I don't think this approach is very effective as no-one plans to be caught, and addictive behaviour is rarely controlled through external controls...

What's the solution? I don't know.  I do know there isn't a single solution that will work for everyone: people are different, their motivations are different, and different techniques will be required to reach all of them.  I think it's a pipe dream to make it all go away though, drugs have been in society throughout the entirety of recorded history, we're just making stronger stuff now.
 
Nemo888 said:
They are not doing too good lately. One of the best metrics to judge a political system is the level of coercion they need to control their citizens. 

Enacting laws for the good order of society can hardly be termed coercion.

 
Anything that can't be universally and continuously enforced shouldn't be outlawed.  Otherwise, law becomes merely a pretext for abusive selective enforcement.  Most drug use and possession laws are, as a practical matter, unenforceable.  The result is that protected and privileged members of society can openly flaunt the law (and declare having done so), while unprotected and unprivileged members are harassed and lose chunks of their lives to due process.
 
Because we as a society have failed to enforce our drug laws does not mean that they are unenforceable.

If difficulty of enforcement is the primary criterion for the viability of a law, then we might as well forget about enforcing laws on murder or robbery. 

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2010/jun/05/singapore-policy-drugs-bay#start-of-comments

Michael Teo said:
Drug abuse blights modern societies. That is why many governments are focused on tackling addiction, preventing drug-related crimes and ultimately protecting their populations. Singapore's tough stand and use of strict laws and stiff penalties against those involved in the drug trade, including capital punishment, have sometimes come under criticism.

[...]

Drug traffickers are a major part of the problem on the supply side. They make drugs available in our communities and profit from the human misery they help create. This is why tough laws and penalties are needed, including capital punishment for trafficking in significant amounts of the most harmful drugs. This sends a strong deterrent signal to would-be traffickers. But unfortunately, attracted by the lucrative payoffs, some still traffic in drugs knowing full well the penalty if they get caught.

With all these efforts, Singapore has one of the lowest prevalence of drug abuse worldwide, even though it has not been entirely eliminated. Over two decades, the number of drug abusers arrested each year has declined by two-thirds, from over 6,000 in the early 1990s to about 2,000 last year. Fewer than two in 10 abusers released from prison or drug rehabilitation centres relapse within two years. We do not have traffickers pushing drugs openly in the streets, nor do we need to run needle exchange centres. Because of our strict laws, Singapore does not have to contend with major drug syndicates linked to organised crime, unlike some other countries.

According to the 2008 World Drug Report by the United Nations office on drugs and crime 8.2% of the UK population are cannabis abusers; in Singapore it is 0.005%. For ecstasy, the figures are 1.8% for the UK and 0.003% for Singapore; and for opiates – such as heroin, opium and morphine – 0.9% for the UK and 0.005% for Singapore.

[...]
 
A look at libertarian arguments for and against mandatory vaccination. This is interesting since there is a claim of "public good", and at least intuitively we feel that being protected against infectious disease is a good thing. Certainly, historical evidence from times when public health was non existent makes a strong case that here is one of those places where the economies of scale inherent in State run projects outweighs the negative impacts...or does it? In multiple parts:

http://reason.com/archives/2014/03/25/should-vaccines-be-mandatory/print

Part 1
Should Vaccines Be Mandatory?
Matt Welch, Ronald Bailey, Jeffrey A. Singer & Sandy Reider|Mar. 25, 2014 7:00 am

SyringeZaldy Img Foter.com CC BYFew issues divide libertarians so emphatically as government-mandated vaccinations against communicable diseases, as reason discovered after including anti-vaccine activist Jenny McCarthy in our "45 Enemies of Freedom" list (August/September 2013). That selection brought forth a deluge of mail, such as this succinct riposte from reader Christopher Kent: "Freedom doesn't get much more personal than the right of individuals to choose what is put into their bodies, and to accept or reject medical procedures."

But what happens when one person's individual choice leads to the otherwise preventable infection of another person who chooses differently? How do you assign property rights and responsibilities to an airborne virus? And how far can or should the state intrude into family decisions that affect the safety and health of children? The issue seems almost tailor-made to produce philosophical conflict among those who otherwise share a heightened skepticism of government power.

This is no mere debate-society chum. Over the last 15 years, spurred on by McCarthy and other high-profile advocates who claim that vaccinations may cause such damaging side effects as autism, more parents are opting out of vaccinations for highly contagious diseases for their children. A 2011 survey by the Associated Press reported that exemption levels in eight states now exceed 5 percent.

At the same time, incidence and morbidity of diseases such as whooping cough are back on the rise. reason Science Correspondent Ronald Bailey, who contributes to our forum below, has argued forcefully that the popularization of junk anti-vaccine science, and the resulting increase in opt-outs, has led to scores of needless deaths, thousands of hospitalizations, and tens of thousands of cases of preventable illnesses.

Yet neither vaccines nor the diseases they combat are 100 percent predictable or controllable. Pathogens adapt, hosts develop resistance, unforeseen consequences arise. As Jeffrey Singer, a general surgeon and longtime libertarian activist, points out below, "Not everyone who is vaccinated against a microbe develops immunity to that microbe. Conversely, some unvaccinated people never become infected."

That uncertainty does not stay the government's hand. Currently, all 50 states and the District of Columbia include at least some form of state-mandated vaccinations for young children who are entering school (including all public and most private institutions). The usual diseases targeted include the mumps, measles, rubella, polio, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, and varicella (chickenpox). Typically, parents can only opt out after demonstrating a philosophical or religious objection. One of the last official acts of the famously paternalistic former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg (who also made our "45 Enemies of Freedom" list) was to make flu shots mandatory for all children under 5 who are enrolled in city-licensed schools or daycare facilities. As clinical physician Sandy Reider makes clear below, government keeps expanding the list of mandatory vaccines. It now often includes diseases, such as hepatitis B, that rarely affect children.

So what is the proper role for government, and the citizenry, in the vaccination of children? The lines are hard to draw; all the more reason to have a reason debate. Below, Bailey, Singer, and Reider take the scalpel to each others' arguments, in the hope of bringing more practical and philosophical clarity to a divisive topic.

—Matt Welch
 
Part 2

http://reason.com/archives/2014/03/25/should-vaccines-be-mandatory/print

Refusing Vaccination Puts Others at Risk
Ronald Bailey

Millions of Americans believe it is perfectly all right to put other people at risk of death and misery. These people are your friends, neighbors, and fellow citizens who refuse to have themselves or their children vaccinated against preventable infectious diseases.

Aside from the issue of child neglect, there would be no argument against allowing people to refuse government-required vaccination if they and their families were the only ones who suffered the consequences of their foolhardiness. But that is not the case in the real world. Let's first take a look at how vaccines have improved health, then consider the role of the state in promoting immunization.

Vaccines are among the most effective health care innovations ever devised. A November 2013 New England Journal of Medicine article, drawing on the University of Pittsburgh's Project Tycho database of infectious disease statistics since 1888, concluded that vaccinations since 1924 have prevented 103 million cases of polio, measles, rubella, mumps, hepatitis A, diphtheria, and pertussis. They have played a substantial role in greatly reducing death and hospitalization rates, as well as the sheer unpleasantness of being hobbled by disease.

A 2007 article in the Journal of the American Medical Association compared the annual average number of cases and resulting deaths of various diseases before the advent of vaccines to those occurring in 2006. Before an effective diphtheria vaccine was developed in the 1930s, for example, the disease infected about 21,000 people in the United States each year, killing 1,800. By 2006 both numbers were zero. Polio, too, went from deadly (16,000 cases, 1,900 deaths) to non-existent after vaccines were rolled out in the 1950s and 1960s. Chickenpox used to infect 4 million kids a year, hospitalize 11,000, and kill 105; within a decade of a vaccine being rolled out in the mid-1990s, infections had dropped to 600,000, resulting in 1,276 hospitalizations and 19 deaths. Similar dramatic results can be found with whooping cough, measles, rubella, and more.

And deaths don't tell the whole story. In the case of rubella, which went from infecting 48,000 people and killing 17 per year, to infecting just 17 and killing zero, there were damaging pass-on effects that no longer exist. Some 2,160 infants born to mothers infected by others were afflicted with congenital rubella syndrome-causing deafness, cloudy corneas, damaged hearts, and stunted intellects-as late as 1965. In 2006 that number was one.

It is certainly true that much of the decline in infectious disease mortality has occurred as a result of improved sanitation and water chlorination. A 2004 study by the Harvard University economist David Cutler and the National Bureau of Economic Research economist Grant Miller estimated that the provision of clean water "was responsible for nearly half of the total mortality reduction in major cities, three-quarters of the infant mortality reduction, and nearly two-thirds of the child mortality reduction." Providing clean water and pasteurized milk resulted in a steep decline in deadly waterborne infectious diseases. Improved nutrition also reduced mortality rates, enabling infants, children, and adults to fight off diseases that would have more likely killed their malnourished ancestors. But it is a simple fact that vaccines are the most effective tool yet devised for preventing contagious airborne diseases.

Vaccines do not always produce immunity, so a percentage of those who took the responsibility to be vaccinated remain vulnerable. Other defenseless people include infants who are too young to be vaccinated and individuals whose immune systems are compromised. In America today, it is estimated that about 10 million people are immuno-compromised through no fault of their own.

This brings us to the important issue of "herd immunity." Herd immunity works when most people in a community are immunized against an illness, greatly reducing the chances that an infected person can pass his microbes along to other susceptible people.

People who refuse vaccination for themselves and their children are free riding off of herd immunity. Even while receiving this benefit, the unvaccinated inflict the negative externality of being possible vectors of disease, threatening those 10 million most vulnerable to contagion.

Vaccines are like fences. Fences keep your neighbor's livestock out of your pastures and yours out of his. Similarly, vaccines separate people's microbes. Anti-vaccination folks are taking advantage of the fact that most people around them have chosen differently, thus acting as a firewall protecting them from disease. But if enough people refuse, that firewall comes down, and innocent people get hurt.

Oliver Wendell Holmes articulated a good libertarian principle when he said, "The right to swing my fist ends where the other man's nose begins." Holmes' observation is particularly salient in the case of whooping cough shots.

Infants cannot be vaccinated against whooping cough (pertussis), so their protection against this dangerous disease depends upon the fact that most of the rest of us are immunized. Unfortunately, as immunization refusals have increased in recent years, so have whooping cough infections. The annual number of pertussis cases fell from 200,000 pre-vaccine to a low of 1,010 in 1976. Last year, the number of reported cases rose to 48,277, the highest since 1955. Eighteen infants died of the disease in 2012, up from just four in 1976.

The trend is affecting other diseases as well. In 2005, an intentionally unvaccinated 17-year-old Indiana girl brought measles back with her from a visit to Romania, and ended up infecting 34 people. Most of them were also intentionally unvaccinated, but a medical technician who had been vaccinated caught the disease as well, and was hospitalized.

Another intentionally unvaccinated 7-year-old boy in San Diego sparked an outbreak of measles in 2008. The kid, who caught the disease in Switzerland, ended up spreading his illness to 11 other children, all of whom were also unvaccinated, putting one infant in the hospital. Forty-eight other children younger than vaccination age had to be quarantined.

Some people object to applying Holmes' aphorism by arguing that aggression can only occur when someone intends to hit someone else; microbes just happen. However, being intentionally unvaccinated against highly contagious airborne diseases is, to extend the metaphor, like walking down a street randomly swinging your fists without warning. You may not hit an innocent bystander, but you've substantially increased the chances. Those harmed by the irresponsibility of the unvaccinated are not being accorded the inherent equal dignity and rights every individual possesses. The autonomy of the unvaccinated is trumping the autonomy of those they put at risk.

As central to libertarian thinking as the non-aggression principle is, there are other tenets that also inform the philosophy. One such is the harm principle, as outlined by John Stuart Mill. In On Liberty, Mill argued that "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others." Vaccination clearly prevents harm to others.

So what are the best methods for increasing vaccination? Education and the incentives of the market have encouraged many Americans to get themselves and their children immunized, and surely those avenues of persuasion can and should be used more. Perhaps schools and daycare centers and pediatric clinics could attract clients by advertising their refusal to admit unvaccinated kids. Or social pressure might be exercised by parents who insist on assurances from other parents that their children are vaccinated before agreeing to playdates.

But it would be naive not to acknowledge the central role of government mandates in spreading immunization. By requiring that children entering school be vaccinated against many highly contagious diseases, states have greatly benefited the vast majority of Americans.

For the sake of social peace, vaccine opt-out loopholes based on religious and philosophical objections should be maintained. States should, however, amend their vaccine exemption laws to require that people who take advantage of them acknowledge in writing that they know their actions are considered by the medical community to be putting others at risk. This could potentially expose vaccine objectors to legal liability, should their decisions lead to infections that could have been prevented.

In terms of net human freedom, the trade­off is clear: In exchange for punishment-free government requirements that contain opt-out loopholes, humans have freed themselves from hundreds of millions of infections from diseases that maimed and often killed people in recent memory. People who refuse vaccination are asserting that they have a right to "swing" their microbes at other people. That is wrong.


Vaccination and Free Will
Jeffrey Singer

In Steven Spielberg's 2002 sci-fi film Minority Report, a special police agency called PreCrime nabs suspects before they ever commit an offense. No trial is necessary because the crime is seen as an infallible prediction of the future and thus a matter of fact. The movie challenges viewers to consider the tension between technological determinism and free will, between the rights of an individual and the health of a community. It's a useful metaphor for the argument against coercive vaccination.

Some argue that mandatory mass vaccination is an act of communal self-defense, and thus completely compatible with the principles underpinning a free society. Unless people are forcibly immunized, they will endanger the life and health of innocent bystanders, goes the argument. But such a position requires a level of precognition we haven't yet attained.

Not everyone who is vaccinated against a microbe develops immunity to that microbe. Conversely, some unvaccinated people never become infected. Some people have inborn "natural" immunity against certain viruses and other microorganisms. Central Africans born with the sickle-cell trait provide a classic example of such inborn immunity: Their sickle-shaped red blood cells are inhospitable to the mosquito-borne parasite that causes malaria. Other people are just lucky and never get exposed to a contagious microbe.

Just like not every pregnant woman who drinks alcohol or smokes tobacco passes on a malady or disability to her newborn baby, not every pregnant woman infected with a virus or other microbe passes on the infection to her fetus-nor are all such babies born with birth defects.

A free society demands adherence to the non-aggression principle. No person should initiate force against another, and should only use force in retaliation or self-defense. Forcibly injecting substances-attenuated microbes or otherwise-into someone else's body cannot be justified as an act of self-defense, because there is no way to determine with certainty that the person will ever be responsible for disease transmission.

Ronald Bailey suggests that the choice to remain unvaccinated is analogous to "walking down a street randomly swinging your fists without warning." But this is a poor analogy. Such a person is engaging in a deliberate action, as opposed to choosing inaction. And, unlike those prevented from opting out of vaccination, the fist-swinger incurs no threat to life or limb when prohibited from throwing his punches.

If someone chooses the inaction of non-vaccination based upon the belief-right or wrong-that the vaccination is harmful or even life threatening, then coercive vaccination in this context is clearly a case of aggression. For it to be otherwise requires certainty that those beliefs are wrong. And certainty in this case is not possible. How can you be sure, for example, that a child won't have an adverse or even fatal reaction to a vaccine? And how can defending forced immunization as self-defense be justified when it can never be shown with certainty that the non-vaccinated person would have been responsible for another person's harm?

Then there is the matter of "herd immunity." The phenomenon of herd immunity allows many unvaccinated people to avoid disease because they free ride off the significant portion of the population that is immunized. Economists point out that free riding is an unavoidable fact of life: People free ride when they purchase a new, improved, and cheaper product that was "pre-tested" on more affluent people who wanted to be the first to own it; people free ride when they use word-of-mouth reviews to decide whether to buy goods or services, or to see a film; those who choose not to carry concealed weapons free ride a degree of personal safety off the small percentage of the public that does.

So here is a way of thinking about it: As long as the person who is being free-ridden is still getting desired value for an acceptable price, and is not being harmed by the free riding, it really shouldn't matter. Achieving a society without free riders is not only unnecessary, it is impossible.

Perhaps allowing a certain number of free riders could mitigate the disruption to liberty caused by mandatory vaccination programs. But then, how many free riders should be allowed? I don't think that question can be answered with any degree of certainty. And what criteria would be used to decide who gets to ride free? An objective answer to this question appears equally elusive. Finally, how can the population be monitored to make sure the proportion of free riders is maintained at the right level without unreasonably infringing on civil liberties and privacy rights? The task would be titanic. I think the only practical solution-and the solution that is in the best interest of liberty-is to just accept the free riding of the current regime as a fact of reality, and focus instead on persuading people about the benefits of vaccination.

Most states coax, but don't coerce, vaccination of children in the public school system. Two of the 50 states, Mississippi and West Virginia, are indeed coercive. But the remaining 48 allow parents to opt out for religious reasons, and 19 allow for some kind of philosophical objection. Some states require parents to read about the risks of opting out before exempting their children. Some require them to acknowledge in writing that, in the event of a major school outbreak of a contagious disease for which their child has not received immunization, he or she will be held out of school until the outbreak clears.

Private schools requiring vaccination of children as a precondition for admission is not coercive, since private education is a voluntary transaction. But even with the government school monopoly in existence today, immunization policy in at least 19 states is compatible with the non-aggression principle.

As a medical doctor I am a strong advocate of vaccination against communicable and infectious diseases. I am irritated by the hysteria and pseudo-science behind much of the anti-vaccination literature and rhetoric. In my perfect world, everyone would agree with me and voluntarily get vaccinated against the gamut of nasty diseases for which we have vaccines. (In my perfect world, pregnant women also wouldn't smoke tobacco or drink alcohol until after delivery.)

But free societies are sometimes messy. To live in a free society, one must be willing to tolerate people who make bad decisions and bad choices, as long as they don't directly infringe on the rights of others.

A strong argument can be made that it is self-defense to quarantine people who are infected with a disease-producing organism and are objectively threatening the contamination of others. But in such a case, the use of force against the disease carrier is based upon evidence that the carrier is contagious and may infect others.

Any mass immunization program that uses compulsion rather than persuasion will, on balance, do more harm to the well being of a free people than any good it was intended to convey.
 
Part 3

http://reason.com/archives/2014/03/25/should-vaccines-be-mandatory/print

The Science Is Not Settled
Sandy Reider

As a practicing primary care physician for the last 43 years, and as a parent since 1981, I have followed the evolution of vaccination policy and science with interest, and not a little dismay.

The number of vaccines given to children has increased significantly over the last 70 years, from four antigens in about five or six injections in 1949 to as many as 71 vaccine antigens in 53 injections by age 18 today (the number varies slightly from state to state). This includes four vaccines given in two shots to pregnant women (and thus the developing fetus) and 48 vaccine antigens given in 34 injections from birth to age six.

Each vaccine preparation, in addition to the antigen or live virus, contains many other substances, including preservatives (mercury, formaldehyde), adjuvants to hyperstimulate the immune response (aluminum), gelatin, aborted fetal DNA, viral DNA, genetically modified DNA, antibiotics, and so on. We know that the young child's nervous and immune systems are actively developing and uniquely vulnerable, but I wonder how many thinking adults would themselves voluntarily submit to such an invasive drug regimen?

In 1986 the National Vaccine Injury Act was passed, prohibiting individuals who feel they have been harmed by a vaccine from taking vaccine manufacturers, health agencies, or health care workers to court. At the time, vaccine producers were threatening to curtail or discontinue production because of the mounting number of lawsuits claiming injury to children, mostly relating to immunization against diphtheria. Once relieved of all liability, pharmaceutical corporations began rapidly increasing the number of vaccinations brought to market.

Pharmaceutical companies are now actively targeting both adolescents and adults for cradle-to-grave vaccination against shingles, pneumonia, human papilloma virus, influenza, whooping cough, and meningitis. There are many more vaccines in the pipeline. Who wouldn't love a business model with a captive market, no liability concerns, free advertising and promotion by government agencies, and a free enforcement mechanism from local schools? It is, truly, a drug company's dream come true.

Judging from what one reads and hears in the popular media, it is easy to conclude that the science is settled, that the benefits of each vaccine clearly outweigh the risks, and that vaccinations have played the critical role in the decline of deaths due to infectious diseases such as measles, whooping cough, and diphtheria, all of which claimed many lives in the past.

However even a cursory look at the available data quickly reveals that the mortality from almost all infectious disease was in steep decline well before the introduction of vaccination or antibiotics. Diphtheria mortality had fallen 60 percent by the time vaccination was introduced in the 1920s, deaths from pertussis/whooping cough had declined by 98 percent before vaccination was introduced in the late 1940s, measles mortality had dropped 98 percent from its peak in the U.S. by the time measles inoculation was introduced in 1963-and by an impressive 99.96 percent in England when measles vaccination was introduced in 1968. In 1960 there were 380 deaths from measles among a U.S. population of 180,671,000, a rate of 0.24 deaths per 100,000.

The takeaway here is that vaccination played a very minor role in the steep decline in mortality due to infectious disease during the late 19th century and early to mid- 20th century. Improved living standards, better nutrition, sanitary sewage disposal, clean water, and less crowded living conditions all played crucial roles.

Current immunization policy relies on the oft-repeated assertion that vaccines are safe and effective. Yet the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Institute of Medicine, and even the American Academy of Pediatrics have acknowledged that serious reactions, including seizures, progressive encephalopathy, and death, can and do occur. The federal vaccine injury court, which was established at the same time that vaccine manufacturers were exempted from liability, has to date paid $2.6 billion dollars in compensation for vaccine injuries. And there is ample reason to believe that the incidence of vaccine injury is strongly underreported.

Ronald Bailey has made the colorful assertion that an individual choosing not to vaccinate themself or their child is akin to a person walking down the street swinging their fists/microbes at others. Rather than indulging in broad generalizations about immunization, a close examination of data regarding the recent pertussis outbreaks may help illustrate the complexity inherent in immune function, individual susceptibility, and the spread of infectious illness.

In 2011, there were numerous outbreaks of pertussis around the United States, notably in California, Washington, and Vermont. The majority of whooping cough infections in each state were reported among well-vaccinated adolescents and young teens. There was also a slight increase in cases among infants younger than 1 year old.

In Vermont, 74 percent of individuals diagnosed with whooping cough had been "fully and appropriately vaccinated" against pertussis. Vermont Deputy Commissioner of Health Tracy Dolan stated: "We do not have any official explanation for the outbreak and have not linked it to the philosophical exemption." In a July 2012 interview, Ann Schuchat of the Centers for Disease Control's National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Disease stated that: "We know there are places around the country where large numbers of people are not vaccinated [against pertussis]. However, we do not think those exemptors are driving this current wave. We think it is a bad thing that people aren't getting vaccinated or exempting, but we cannot blame this wave on that phenomenon."

It's clear that the pertussis vaccine is not very protective against a disease that already has a very low mortality, likely because the pertussis bacterium has developed resistance, much like bacteria become resistant to antibiotics over time. In a September 2012 article, The New England Journal of Medicine concluded that "protection against pertussis waned during the 5 years after the 5th dose of DTaP [a type of combination vaccine]."

Recent studies suggest that immunized persons, once exposed to wild Bordetella pertussis bacteria, take longer to clear the pertussis bacterium from their respiratory tract than individuals who have had natural pertussis and thus gain natural immunity. These vaccinated individuals can then become asymptomatic carriers of the bacteria and vectors for transmission. So those who choose to opt in can also, as Bailey puts it, "swing their microbes."

Vaccine-induced immunity is not the same as naturally acquired immunity, and the much touted "herd immunity" resulting from mass vaccination is a far cry from natural herd immunity, the latter being much more protective, long-lasting, and transferrable to nursing infants who are then protected during their most vulnerable stage of development.

Understanding vaccine effects is complicated. The "fence" or "firewall" as Bailey puts it, is in fact a two-way street. Much has been said about all the "junk science" cited by anyone questioning vaccines (Jenny McCarthy, anyone?), but even a cursory peek over that fence will reveal some very good information and science-Mary Holland's Vaccine Epidemic and Suzanne Humphries' Dissolving Illusions, for example.

Lumping skeptical parents with the crazies is a way to avoid legitimate questions. Such as: Should tetanus vaccination be required for entrance to school, given that tetanus is not a communicable disease? Why should hepatitis B immunization be required for school entrance, when the disease is found primarily among adult drug users and sex workers? Do we need to keep immunizing against diseases, such as chickenpox, that are almost always mild?

There is a considerable difference between giving a seriously ill child a proven life-saving medicine versus subjecting a completely healthy child to a drug that is known to cause severe, or even potentially fatal, adverse effects, however small the chance. This is an ethical issue that goes to the heart of our basic human right to informed consent to any drug treatment or medical intervention.

Given the sheer volume of vaccine promotion and propaganda, coupled with the cozy relationship between government, industry, and media, there are sufficient grounds for a healthy skepticism. Individual parents have become the last line of defense (not offense, not a swinging fist), and their choices should be respected and preserved.
 
I'm inclined to agree that there ought to be very strict limits on what the state (society at large) can force us to do. Some things, like driving on one or the other side of the road, are part of the overall price we pay in 'liberty' (very, very broadly defined) for civilization (safety, community, etc).

Maybe the science is not 100% settled, is the 'science' of, say, water purification 100% 'settled?' Or do we, generally, accept a broad, general consensus as enough?

Let's suppose we agree that parents, for a whole host of reasons may decide not to vaccinate children ... Can we, society at large, not decide, then, that those children ought to wear patches on their shirts and jackets so that our children can avoid contact, or that they ought or wait in separate areas in the bus stations and airports, and perhaps, drink at separate water fountains? Just asking ...


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There is also the notion that trying to control and surpress diseases that would other wise would kill/maim us, ultimately has two negative attributes.

1) We become weaker as a species, as Darwin's theory no longer is applicable, and the weak and feeble increase a dilute the gene pool.
2) In an ironic twist, we accelerate Darwin's theory in our foe, and we end up creating super bugs.

I like the idea of requiring people who opt out, to sign waivers acknowledging the risk they are taking, and the risk they pose to others.
 
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