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Actually, I stumbled into a well-publicized case on this from Germany.  A man placed an add on a cannibalism website for someone who he could kill and eat.  Another man answered the call and was eaten.  The cannibal was originally charged with manslaughter as his entree was entirely willing (the guy filmed the whole thing).  The government later overturned the manslaughter charge and put the guy in jail for life for murder.

A wee bit disturbing, but illustrative of taking Libertarian values to their extreme.

I'm currently reading Francis Fukuyama's The Origin of Political Order, a fascinating book, and in the beginning he points out that far 'left' and far 'right' theories ultimately loop around and meet at a state of anarchy.  Pure libertarianism sees individuals in an ideal 'state of nature' free of government control while pure communism sees an ideal stateless society where the government and property are gone.

Fukuyama gives a good example of what a real libertarian/communist society looks like - he points to social groups that never moves past clan level organization like the Yamamano in South America.  They exist in what Fukuyama calls the 'tyranny of cousins' and are very violent (something like 50% of Yamamano males die from intertribal violence).

I, like Edward, am more utilitarian than libertarian.  Libertarian values of individual sovereignty are, to me, sensible to the point where they have value in our society.  Destructive activities such as duelling or cannibalism go past that point.  We are not Yamamano in skyscrapers.
 
Duels, voluntarily offering oneself up as a meal for a cannibal and so on are not Libertarian positions, and should not be considered logical outcomes of libertarianisim as a philosophy.

As Edward pointed out, one of the primary ideas behind Libertarianism is the idea that the Individual is Sovereign. This implies that the individual makes choices involving their own best interests and bears the consequences or rewards of such actions. If this is your only point of reference, then perhaps you might make some of the conclusions outlined upthread.

OTOH, since every individual is sovereign, the use of force, fraud or coercion against another individual is prohibited by libertarian thought. The only justifiable reason for a libertarian to use force against another is in self-defense; arbitration of disputes is through a neutral third party (generally recognized as the State, through the Rule of Law). This effectively discounts duelling as a dispute solving mechanism (or even an extreme sport).

Assisted suicide is a more difficult argument (and I admit I am not currently in a good position to do the legwork to research this), but generally speaking, while self destruction is something a person may choose to do (however distasteful others may find it), assisted suicide (to me) skirts very closely on the edge of initiating the use of force against another individual. When doctors perform euthanasia on patients who may not be fully aware of the action about to be taken (i.e. a patient in a coma or suffering from dementia) or through the projection of their own values on the patient (the patient is living a hopeless/worthless life) then they are clearly initiating force against a helpless individual, which in libertarian thought is totally immoral.

Remember, for any proper discussion on Libertarian values, the common denominators are:

1. The individual is sovereign
2. Initiation of force (including fraud or coercion) against  another individual is forbidden. Force may only be used in self defense.
3. Individuals have the right to ownership and unfettered use of their own property (limited only by how it may impact other sovereign individuals; i.e. you can't dump your waste on other's property)
4. Individuals may collectively agree to trade with each other or enter into voluntary agreements for their mutual benefit (as they see it).
5. The State exists to protect individuals and their property against internal and external threats
6. The State provides an impartial arbitrator to settle disputes.
 
Blogger Hugh MacIntyre comes up with a very quick and effective summary of the upthread arguments:
 
Interesting take on the sea steading idea. Note the driving motivation behind it are the byzantine laws and regulations regarding Visas and business startups in the United States; if the dead hand of the State were to be lifted, so would the motivation for this project. (If there was to be a sea change in American laws and regulations, this project could try anchoring off the coast of a distressed EU nation...)

http://smallbusiness.foxbusiness.com/entrepreneurs/2012/05/21/visa-free-startup-community-off-california-coast/

Visa-Free Startup Community Off California Coast

By Kate Rogers

Published May 21, 2012

FOXBusiness

And you thought Silicon Valley was exclusive?

Meet Blueseed, which, after it sets out to sea in 2013, will be the first-ever sea-based tech incubator, according to its founder. This startup community space is being built for technology’s best and brightest, so long as they have their sea legs.

Romanian-born Dan Dascalescu, CIO of Blueseed, said he first learned about seasteading, or creating “floating cities,” in 2006 while working at Yahoo!. After struggling with visa issues to come to Silicon Valley and start his own company, Dascalescu said he was inspired by the notion of creating ocean communities in international waters, so that entrepreneurs wouldn’t need a visa to essentially startup 12 miles off the California coast.

“I think this is a huge draw,” Dascalescu said of the visa-free feature of the ship. “But when we asked applicants [why they were applying] the motivation wasn’t the visa-free aspect. They just wanted to be around others like themselves, to exchange ideas and get fresh ideas from outside the U.S.”

Dascalescu, who is an ambassador for nonprofit organization The Seasteading Institute, and his co-founders Max Marty and Dario Mutabdzija, have so far received 240 applications from 800 entrepreneurs hailing from 52 countries. Venture capital firms and angel investors can also recommend startups to Blueseed.

Tech startups that would be best suited to apply have to obviously be able to operate at sea, he said, and specialize primarily in information technology, hardware design and electronics. However, the group has seen applications from across the board, including a lot of interest from the biotech community.

Those startups accepted into the program will give a small portion of equity to Blueseed, Dascalescu said, ranging between 2% and 8%, depending on what stage the company is in.  Entrepreneurs will pay rent and equity with rent ranging from $1,200 for a shared cabin to $3,000 for a single accommodation cabin. Those without visas can, by law, travel back and forth to Silicon Valley by ferry for up to 180 days a year, he said.

The goal is to have about 1,000 entrepreneurs on board, and Dascalescu said each startup will have an average of three people on its team. Residents typically will stay aboard the incubator for about one year, he said. Blueseed will help foreign-born companies make the transition to opening up shop in the U.S. legally, he said.

“We don’t want them to stay too long on the ship,” he said. “The idea is once they incubate, they should move back to shore to start their company there.”

The boat itself will be a cruise ship anchored in place, Dascalescu said, and will “take off” in 2013. The model Blueseed is looking at is $30 million to buy, and while Blueseed declined to say how much cash they have raised so far, Dascalescu said the team has “bootstrapped a lot, and closed out its pre-seed funding round.” Internet business guru Peter Thiel is among its investors, according to Dascalescu.

In the next year, Blueseed will begin to seriously consider applicants for the venture. And Dascalescu is confident the incubator will be responsible for creating many jobs along the way.

“Think of Google and Yahoo!, which now employ a total of 40,000 people,” he said. “Let’s say just one company [that successful] comes out of Blueseed. That would be an average of 20,000 jobs. And we hope to have a much better success rate than just one company.”

Read more: http://smallbusiness.foxbusiness.com/entrepreneurs/2012/05/21/visa-free-startup-community-off-california-coast/#ixzz1vtJM1saN

Of course there is the additional motivation of avoiding California's punishing tax and regulatory environment as well. Interesting to see how this works out.
 
What happened to the country I grew up in? If you told me all these things would happen in Canada 20 years ago I would have laughed in your face.


Flagrantly unconstitutional restrictions on Freedom of Association/Assembly in Quebec.
Charges in Quebec with no burden of proof /reasonable doubt.
Widespread Voter Suppression in the last election.
Police arresting and beating unarmed protesters not breaking any laws.
Abandoning military Veterans.
Gutting environmental regulations and monitoring.
Mandatory prison sentences for non violent crimes.
Selling our strategic resources to foreign powers and transnational corporations.
Security certificates allowing the detention of citizens without charge.


 
[quote author=link=topic=45537/post-1145400#msg1145400 date=1337997873]
(a) subject to paragraph (a.1), if the subject matter of the offence is a substance included in Schedule I or II, is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for life, and
  (i) to a minimum punishment of imprisonment for a term of one year if
  (A) the person committed the offence for the benefit of, at the direction of or in association with a criminal organization, as defined in subsection 467.1(1) of the Criminal Code,
  (B) the person used or threatened to use violence in committing the offence,
  (C) the person carried, used or threat- ened to use a weapon in committing the offence, or
  (D) the person was convicted of a designated substance offence, or had served a term of imprisonment for a designated substance offence, within the previous 10 years, or
  (ii) to a minimum punishment of impris- onment for a term of two years if
  (A) the person committed the offence in or near a school, on or near school grounds or in or near any other public place usually frequented by persons under the age of 18 years,
  (B) the person committed the offence in a prison, as defined in section 2 of the Criminal Code, or on its grounds, or
  (C) the person used the services of a person under the age of 18 years, or involved such a person, in committing the offence;
  (a.1) if the subject matter of the offence is a substance included in Schedule II in an amount that is not more than the amount set out for that substance in Schedule VII, is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than five years less a day;


(b) if the subject matter of the offence is cannabis (marijuana), is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than 14 years, and to a minimum punishment of
  (i) imprisonment for a term of six months if the number of plants produced is less than 201 and more than five, and the production is for the purpose of trafficking,
  (ii) imprisonment for a term of nine months if the number of plants produced is less than 201 and more than five, the production is for the purpose of trafficking and any of the factors set out in subsection (3) apply,
  (iii) imprisonment for a term of one year if the number of plants produced is more than 200 and less than 501,
  (iv) imprisonment for a term of 18 months if the number of plants produced is more than 200 and less than 501 and any of the factors set out in subsection (3) apply,
  (v) imprisonment for a term of two years if the number of plants produced is more than 500, or
  (vi) imprisonment for a term of three years if the number of plants produced is more than 500 and any of the factors set out in subsection (3) apply;

9. (1) Within five years after this section comes into force, a comprehensive review of the provisions and operation of this Act, including a cost-benefit analysis of mandatory minimum sentences, shall be undertaken by any committee of the Senate, of the House of Commons or of both Houses of Parliament that may be designated or established for that purpose.
[/quote]

I dont see anything unreasonable in here. In fact the bottom says that it'll be checked to see if its worth it after the experiment. The emergency law in Quebec is being challenged in court like we do in Canada.

The sky is hardly falling. In fact the police are farther behind in the ability to convict people of things then they ever have been before. Vets affairs have been screwed forever.

I'll give you environmental laws.
 
The "widespread voter suppression" has been discredited (look up the examples posted in the thread devoted to that topic), you notice since there was no proof/traction the opposition and media have moved on to comparing apples to timeshare condos in CF-35 accounting, and now to apocalyptic changes to EI.

What is really happening is a gradual move to a post progressive society, driven by such factors as ever escalating costs which are not commensurate with the results, demographic  and economic flows away from the old centers of political and economic power and globalization, which strips away being insulated from your own dumb mistakes (since the Chinese, Europeans or Americans will jump on you the second they see an opening, and we now have the ability to do some jumping of our own).

The current Prime Minister and governing party know and understand this, but are also politically astute enough to recognize that the political will to make changes is very shallow, and so the movement away from State sponsored progressiveism must be very gradual.

It is perhaps fortunate that Libertarianism as a social movement exists, since people now have the knowledge, understanding and ability to gather capital and resources and bypass traditional "gatekeepers" in many fields. IF the State isn't going to take care of our every need/whim (or does a really bad job of it), then we will need to take care of things ourselves.
 
How Libertarianism becomes a social movement. Notice people are not bypassing or avoiding the State due to the positive appeals of minarchism, but rather to avoid the grasping hands of the State and to preserve/protect their own assets and wealth. Still, movements are started and sustained for all kinds of reasons, and so long as the Progressive model exists and has power, it will drive people to take these measures for simple self preservation (if nothing else). Canadians are familier with these concepts, including the underground economy and voting with their wallets and feet to get away from high tax/high regulatory environments:

http://godfatherpolitics.com/6104/americans-revolt-billions-of-times-a-day/

Americans Revolt Billions of Times a Day
posted on July 10, 2012 by Jerry Bowyer 40 Comments

It seems to be that as the United States federal government and the Presidency in particular have gradually morphed into something more like a European monarchy, our attitude towards its sovereignty has shifted. Certainly no state or province or faction of the ruling class would dare to challenge the military might of the United States in a single act of open revolt.

But as time goes on we challenge it in small acts of secret revolt. Violation, for example, of our draconian system of immigration laws has become quite common. How many appointees to the federal bench or to the office of Attorney General must be caught in nanny-gate scandals involving child care payments to illegal aliens made under the table before we get the fact that our governing class, even that part which is directly pledged to enforce the law, routinely ignore this law?

We have a Treasury secretary who cheated on his taxes. But he is not the only one. There are probably more people who buy goods and services via the internet and catalogues that don’t pay sales taxes than people who do. We’ve been rehabbing our 132-year-old home for several years now, and I can tell you, some subcontractors expect to be paid in cash. We follow speed limits only when we think they are being enforced. Dads let their teenaged kids drink beer. People cross the state line to buy fireworks, or any good, when the sales tax is lower. People on unemployment compensation stretch it out so they can work on their eBay business.
 
Retirees buy discount drugs from Canada. Families share prescription antibiotics with other family members for whom they have not been prescribed. A man with cancer smokes marijuana even though he doesn’t live in a medical marijuana state. When we are driving at night, and we come to a T in the road with a stop sign, and there is no one else around, we slow down and roll through the stop sign. We eschew seatbelt laws when we take short safe jaunts up the block. We let our kids do a little practice driving in the parking lot before they get their learners permit.

We don’t recycle every time they tell us to. We top off the gas tank even though they tell us not to. If they announce they are going to make light bulbs illegal, we buy more, not less of them to stock up. If we think gasoline will kill the poison ivy better than some biodegradable eco-approved watered-down stuff, we use the gas. Even though certain states had anti-sodomy statutes on the books up until just a few years ago, gay people had sex in their homes all the time, and did not give a thought to the ordinances.

Businesses split in half so as to be qualified for small business exemptions from federal regulation. Farmers look the other way when they hire day laborers who clearly are not citizens. Federal regulators write their regulations, and financiers change their form of organization in unforeseen ways to avoid the regulations, even ones they pushed for.

George Soros delists his hedge fund to avoid rules his beneficiaries wrote. Businesses treat many regulations as cost of business and just pay the fine rather than incur extreme costs. Factories and labs create commonsense workarounds to arbitrary OSHA regulations.

And most people have absolutely no moral compunction about any of these violations, either of the spirit or the letter of the law, because deep down they no longer believe that the law, especially the tax code, represents any compelling moral principle, nor do its dictates seem any longer to be fair. They don’t think their home state has earned taxes on the Amazon purchases or that it deserves any share of the mutually beneficial exchange between you and your dry wall guy.

I bet you can think of a few dozen more examples, and increasingly we’re all in business and in personal life thinking of more and more ways to game a system which we have less and less faith in.

It’s not civil disobedience that I’m talking about. It’s the opposite: Civil disobedience is meant to be noticed. It is a price paid in the hope of creating social change. What I’m talking about is not based on hope; in fact, it has given up much hope on social change. It thinks the government is a colossal amoeba twitching mindlessly in response to tiny pinpricks of pain from an endless army of micro-brained interest groups. The point is not to teach the amoeba nor to guide it, but simply to stay away from the lethal stupidity of its pseudopods.

The amoeba does not get smarter but it does get hungrier and bigger. On the other hand, we get smarter. More and more of our life takes place outside of the amoeba’s reach: in the privacy of our own homes, or in capital accounts in other nations, or in the fastest growing amoeba avoidance zone ever created, cyberspace. We revolt decision by decision, transaction by transaction, because we believe deep down that most of what government tells us to do is at bottom illegitimate.

A slightly longer version of this article appears at Forbes.com

Mr. Bowyer is the author of The Free Market Capitalists Survival Guide, published by HarperCollins, and a columnist for Forbes.com.

Read more: http://godfatherpolitics.com/6104/americans-revolt-billions-of-times-a-day/#ixzz20RPn05c7

And when enough people decide that the Progressive state is illigitiamate and are no longer willing to provide active or passive consent, then the model will collapse. What arises to take its place is unknown, but the trends of increasing personal empowerment mean that Libertarianism has an effective shot at becoming the social model fo the future.
 
Or Fascism as people decide that they are more interested in Facebook then their personal liberties.
 
Perhaps so. "The Man on the White Horse" has a powerful inducement to fearful people seeking to escape from chaos, as history shows us. The one factor which really has changed far more than at any time in the past is people back then were not empowered; did not have the capital, expertise, education, skills or resources that are available to a massive number of people today. To get an idea of the scale of things, consider that India has 300 million people who can be economically grouped as "middle class"; equal to the entire population of the United States. Even in Canada, most people who are "poor" according to government statistics own cars, televisions, homes and so on; they are not serfs, sharecroppers or tenants.

So the starting conditions are different.

The second line of evidence can be found in The Coming of the French Revolution by Georges Lefebvre, where the author raises the argument that the French Revolution was the first true revolution since the middle class started and sustained it to protect their own property from the aristocracy and the poor (the aftermath was pretty ugly). The middle class in most western nations do have an attachment to their property, and know (if in an unsophisticated way) that the unfettered use of property is the foundation of political and economic rights.

Now it is possible the collapse of the Progressive project will trigger a Samson like pulling down of the walls and unleash a greater chaos, or like the unfortunate Revolutionaries in France, the middle class will not be able to organize and sustain a transition to a stable new regime. Still, there is always hope (and you can probably work individually and collectively with like minded people to help arrange a controlled drawdown and smooth transition to the new way of things).
 
I adhere to the general idea that the stronger the middle class is, the less likely violent revolution and extremist governments are.  I think we have a long way to fall before that happens.  What is breaking the progressive model is sunlight - there are simply too many alternative channels for information and ideas to be exposed and discussed.  There is no longer only a sympathetic media doling out narratives in little chunks deliverable via TV and print.
 
A portrait of one of the few libertarians elected to office:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2012/08/14/brian-doherty-the-ron-paul-revolution/

Brian Doherty: The Ron Paul Revolution
Special to National Post | Aug 14, 2012 6:00 AM ET | Last Updated: Aug 13, 2012 3:52 PM ET
More from Special to National Post

Eric Miller/REUTERS
U.S. Congressman Ron Paul speaks to supporters at a Minnesota caucus.

Rudy Giuliani couldn’t believe his ears. That scrawny old nut at the podium down the row had just said what? There was a reason America was attacked on 9/11? And it had to do with America’s own behaviour?

“That’s really an extraordinary statement,” Giuliani said, with some swagger. It was May 15, 2007, at a Republican presidential debate in South Carolina. Giuliani was in control. The former New York City mayor was front-runner of the Republican pack, and ahead of any likely Democratic opponent in the polls. But this barely polling former third-party candidate at the podium was attacking Giuliani’s home turf — the 9/11 assault on America, and what it meant.

“That’s an extraordinary statement, as someone who lived through the attack of September 11, that we invited the attack because we were attacking Iraq. I don’t think I’ve heard that before, and I’ve heard some pretty absurd explanations for September eleventh.”

The crowd was on Giuliani’s side, raucously, giving him cheers and whistles and resounding, rolling applause.

“And I would ask the congressman to withdraw that comment and tell us that he didn’t really mean that,” Giuliani continued.

If this obscure, unaccomplished, backbench legislator actually wanted to contend for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination, Giuliani thought, he’d back down, pronto. Sputter some mealymouthed, face-saving scramble and hope this whole exchange was forgotten by the pundits and the voters.

That wasn’t going to happen. The man, Ron Paul, from southeast Texas, then veteran of over nine terms in Congress looking too small for his suit, his ears almost laughably prominent, delivered his heresies neither hesitantly nor militantly, but with the authority of common sense. Paul knew what he meant, meant what he said, and given the chance, just explained himself further — or further dug his grave with the potential voters he was supposedly there to win over.

“I believe very sincerely that the CIA is correct when they teach and talk about blowback,” Paul said. “When we went into Iran in 1953 and installed the Shah, yes, there was blowback. A reaction to that was the taking of our hostages and that persists. And if we ignore that, we ignore that at our own risk. If we think that we can do what we want around the world and not incite hatred, then we have a problem.”

We have a problem? America doesn’t have problems, pal — America gives problems! But this Ron Paul guy kept marching ahead into this dangerous, uncharted territory. “They don’t come here to attack us because we’re rich and we’re free. They come and they attack us because we’re over there. I mean, what would we think if we were — if other foreign countries were doing that to us?”

Whoa — a history lesson, recognizing consequences to our actions, an empathetic approach to what the rest of the world might think? What could any of that have to do with American foreign policy, or an attempt to win the Republican Party’s presidential nomination?

This Ron Paul character hadn’t been doing very well in his “quixotic” (that’s what everyone said) run for the nomination so far in May 2007, and this surely was the end. Even many of his fervent fans, much as they enjoyed hearing him say it, were sure he’d just murdered his campaign.

One young man who thought he was past caring about electoral politics was idly watching the debate in Los Angeles. This made him sit up and take notice. “Ron Paul, without a f—ing friend in the world, nothing but hostility aimed at him from all directions, stood his ground and did not back down. Just reiterated his points even stronger. I was blown away. I felt at that moment that the world changed forever, that there had been this massive shift in reality and what could happen. From that point forward I became involved.” Jon Arden, who worked at Forest Lawn cemetery in Los Angeles, started donating money to the campaign and going to Ron Paul Meetups (local groups of Paul fans who’d gather to promote Paul). Suddenly, making and hanging Ron Paul signs, talking about Ron Paul to anyone who’d listen and some who wouldn’t, became Arden’s passion. “All my time, money, anything I could spare, I devoted all of it to Ron.”

Arden’s was the most emphatic and impassioned version of that story I heard, but I encountered variations of it dozens of times from Paul fans: That spat with Giuliani, rather than derailing Ron Paul’s progress, was the engine that propelled it to greater speed. This was the moment that turned Ron Paul from an easily ignorable distraction in the Republican race to, well, a more-difficult-to-ignore distraction. Still, most mainstream media and politicos continued to try to ignore him. But Paul’s online poll results began to soar; the number of people watching and making videos promoting him on YouTube and joining his meetup groups zoomed. The second quarter of 2007, in which that exchange occurred, saw Paul raising only $2.4-million. But in the next quarter, after Giuliani supposedly dispatched him handily, Paul pulled more than twice that, $5.3-million. And that wasn’t the end of his momentum.

Ron Paul has been alive and kicking in American politics for a long time. He’s served three separate stints in Congress as a Republican representative from Texas, beginning in 1976, and is still there now in 2012. He’s even run for president before — with the Libertarian Party, in 1988. He came in third (but with fewer than half a million votes).

By any sober estimation, suggesting at a GOP debate, just six years after the airplane assault by radical Islam on American icons, that our foreign policy mistakes disturbed hornets’ nests and we shouldn’t be surprised we got stung should have meant Ron Paul would be alive and kicking no more.

Despite that moment’s aura of legendary bravery to so many of his supporters, Paul remembers the spat with Giuliani lackadaisically. Paul has understood the world a certain way for a very long time, and not much surprises him. Having observed him since 1988, I’d say the only thing that’s surprised him has been his own success in winning supporters as a presidential candidate. “My immediate reaction was, I couldn’t care less,” Paul says. “I’m here to tell what I think is the truth. I didn’t think lightning was going to strike, that I was going to be president, but oh, this brought me down. It was just what I’ve been up against for thirty years. No different. It was just being verbalized in all the booing, but that didn’t affect me. You know, I guess it’s too bad they are booing me, but that’s the way it is.”

“People wanted to interview me right afterward, to ask me if I was going to drop out. What would I drop out for? They said this is the end for me. No one knew it was just the beginning. Kent [Snyder, his campaign manager] whispered to me, ‘Guess what? You are winning the after-debate polls.’ ”

Giuliani, unwittingly, had helped launch the Next American Revolution.

That revolution has continued, past Paul’s being trounced by John McCain in the race for the 2008 GOP presidential nod. Paul did outperform his sparring partner Rudy handily, though — Giuliani only managed to beat Paul’s vote performance in three states.

Paul is a remarkably successful politician made of contradictions. Though a longtime Republican congressman, he’s built his reputation on such wildly liberal stances as ending the drug war, halting wars in the Middle East and scuttling the Patriot Act. Despite this, in 2010 and 2011 he’s won the presidential straw poll at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), the seedbed of young right-wing activists.

He’s got traditional conservative bona fides, too. He’s for ending the income tax and killing the Internal Revenue Service, and for stopping illegal immigration; he also thinks abortion should be illegal. Despite this, right-wing politicians and thought leaders from Giuliani to Bill O’Reilly to the Weekly Standard’s William Kristol deride and despise him.

Paul’s appeal is a curious mixture of populist and intellectual. He attacks the elite masters of money, banking and high finance at the Federal Reserve and Wall Street. But his philosophy on politics and economics was forged through decades of self-driven study of abstruse libertarian economists such as Ludwig von Mises and the Nobel Prize–winning F. A. Hayek.

He’s a staggeringly successful politician by some measures — the only congressman to win a seat as a nonincumbent three separate times. He continues to be re-elected to the House election after election, almost always by a higher margin than the time before. He does this while violating most traditional rules of politics. He doesn’t strive to bring home the bacon. His 14th District in Texas is highly agricultural, rife with rice and cattle farmers, but he always votes against federal agriculture subsidies. In a district with 675 miles of coastline, struck violently in 2008 by Hurricane Ike, he votes against flood aid and the Federal Emergency Management Agency — even calling for the latter’s abolition on national TV. He vows to never vote for any bill for which he doesn’t see clear constitutional justification. Yet by some people’s standards of a “successful legislator” he’s a bust — nearly every bill he introduces never even makes it out of committee.

For decades Ron Paul remained an underground hero to a national constituency of hard-core skeptics about government, the one successful politician steadfast even on the less popular aspects of the live-free-or-die libertarian philosophy. He’d talk about ending the drug war in front of high school students. In 1985, he spent his own money to fly and testify on behalf of the first draft registration defier to go to trial. Paul didn’t blanch when confronted with the hot-blooded youngster’s use of the phrase “Smash the state.” He might not use that verb, smash, the sober obstetrician, air force veteran and family man said. But from his experience with how the U.S. government disrespects its citizens’ liberties, he understands the sentiment.

Paul’s popularity has not waned since his presidential failure in 2008. It was since then that he began winning straw polls at CPAC. A national advocacy group pushing Paul’s ideas, called Campaign for Liberty, arose from his campaign and raised $6.1-million in the off-election year of 2009 — nearly three times what it raised in 2008. The organization Students for Ron Paul from that campaign evolved into Young Americans for Liberty, which now has 289 chapters and more than 3,000 dues-paying members, and a network of 26,000 activists to call on.

Giuliani was supposed to have killed him. John McCain was supposed to have killed him. But with Paul’s predictions of trouble arising from America’s overreach, foreign and domestic, seeming frighteningly prescient since the economic collapse of 2008 — the continuing fall of the dollar, “peace candidate” Obama bogging us down further in Afghanistan, achieving an (incomplete) Iraq pullout only on George W. Bush’s schedule, and starting a new war in Libya — Ron Paul is as alive as he’s ever been.

Paul’s supporters are alive and growing as well. His presidential campaigns have created the most lively, energetic, dedicated and varied group of devotees for liberty that America has seen in living memory. They will cover the ground with homemade Ron Paul banners hung every place legal and illegal they can clamber; they will take to the air in blimps and balloons to promote their man; they will colonize and dominate every crevice of the Internet for him; they will ride their bikes across the country and turn from anarchist to Republican for him; they will run for office because he suggests they should; they will give more money, quicker, than any other political base in history. They are homeschooling Christians and couch-surfing punk rockers, college professors and famous actors, computer programmers and national TV hosts, drug-dealing anarchists and U.S. senators.

They are the Ron Paul Revolution, and they are changing the shape of American politics.

From the book RON PAUL’S REVOLUTION by Brian Doherty. Copyright © 2012 by Brian Doherty. Reprinted by arrangement with Broadside Books, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.

It is very difficult to be and remain a principled libertarian, especially in an environment where the incentives are all heavily tilted against libertarian principles. Reading carefully, it would seem that if most US Congressmen and Senators had followed the same principles, many of the current problems afflicting the US might have been avoided altogether. Certainly the current explosion of Crony Capitalism would have been nipped in the bud.
 
George Jonas on free speech. In general, I agree with him; we should not fetter people's rights, but we are not obligated to hand out soap boxes either:

http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2012/08/18/george-jonas-al-quds-day-is-just-a-soapbox-for-a-hatefest/

George Jonas: Al-Quds Day is just a soapbox for a hatefest
George Jonas | Aug 18, 2012 12:27 AM ET | Last Updated: Aug 18, 2012 12:25 AM ET
More from George Jonas

In 1979 the Ayatollah Khomeini designated the last Friday of Ramadan as Al-Quds Day to signify the Islamic world’s aspirations for Jerusalem. Some say it was just an expression of piety, but whatever the founder of theocratic Iran intended, Al-Quds Day has become an annual hatefest and expansionary symbol for vocal Islamists around the world.

Hate-tourists gather in cities with significant Arab and/or Muslim populations such as Toronto to denounce what they call “world Zionism” and express loathing for Israel. During the 2011 Al-Quds Day rally held outside the Ontario legislature, demonstrators brandished the flag of Hezbollah, while a featured speaker, Zafar Bangash, delivered himself of the view that “Allah willing, I see that day when we, the Muslims, will march on Palestine and liberate Palestine for all the people in the world.”

What the speaker saw and proclaimed last year from Queen’s Park, the grounds of Ontario’s provincial legislature, wasn’t some namby-pamby two-state solution, but the demise of the Jewish State. While he expounded on his vision, someone behind him waved the flag of a terrorist organization, which is what Hezbollah is in the view of Canada’s government. Little wonder that this strikes a person like Sayeh Hassan, a dissenter who fled the theocratic tyranny of Iran in 1987, as “a cynical abuse of Canadian pluralism and accommodation.” This week Hassan wrote an online Post column jointly with David Spiro of the Greater Toronto’s Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, denouncing Al-Quds Day for being “nothing less than a pep rally for an abhorrent, hate-filled ideology.”

It certainly is, I agree — but I’m not sure about cynical abuse. I think Bangash & Co. are simply using Canadian pluralism and accommodation as the manufacturer intended, which is what’s wrong with the multicultural model. Chances are they — or like-minded colleagues — will use it this year again, despite protests from Jewish organizations or Muslim dissidents, shocked at hearing the very voices they’ve tried to escape coming at them from the legislative grounds of their new country. As I’m writing this, Legislature Sergeant-at-Arms Dennis Clark has approved the use of Queen’s Park once again to the organizers of Al-Quds Day. In effect, Clark told the media that he realized the demonstrators went a little overboard last year, waving terrorist flags and all, but he approved because this year the organizers promised to behave.

“You’re big on free speech — what do you say now?” someone asked me triumphantly. He was so sure he got me, I almost felt sorry to disappoint him. I had to, though, because I’m still big on free speech. I’m just not big on providing soapboxes.

I’ve always had an issue with expropriating public spaces for private or sectarian purposes (other than the annual Santa Claus parade, perhaps). Much as I abhor what Mr. Bangash is saying, I would go to the barricades for his right to say it. What I question is Sergeant-at-arms Clark’s decision to lend the grounds of Ontario’s Parliament to the ayatollahs’ agenda.

What’s free speech? It’s freedom to speak my mind on any topic about which I have an opinion. It means I can say what I like regardless of how demonstrably false it may be; how much it may grate on the sense or sensitivity of others; how profoundly it may irk or offend the powerful and the fashionable, or how painfully it may hurt the feelings or self-esteem of the impoverished. Freedom of speech protects both speech and speaker from being silenced or censored because of what others may regard as requirements of social harmony, good taste, decorum, history, science, political correctness, or the truth itself — but can’t protect anyone from being regarded by contemporaries as unpleasant, indecorous, shrill, uncouth, hysterical, tasteless, false, ignorant or stupid.

Freedom of speech isn’t my guarantee of being heard. I can’t make my freedom your obligation. Freedom of speech entitles me to the first available spot in Hyde Park. It doesn’t entitle me to halt traffic in Piccadilly Circus.

My freedom of speech isn’t a key to your front door. I’m free to speak but not to enter your parlour or your legislative building, or the public roads and parks surrounding them, or any of your spaces not specifically set aside for assemblies and demonstrations.


Those who want to limit free speech claim that it’s not absolute but this is false. Free speech is absolute; it’s just that using words doesn’t amount to a pass to break the law. It’s no licence to defraud, defame, incite a riot, enter a criminal conspiracy, betray an official secret, impersonate an officer, misrepresent a qualification, breach a fiduciary obligation, etc., nor should it be. Free speech should eliminate the censor and the “human rights” commissioner, but it’s not doing it yet. A pity.

Here I go again. Maybe freedom isn’t natural to us, so we have to keep reiterating its basics. It was this need that prompted someone (perhaps Thomas Jefferson) to say that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance. Unfortunately, eternal vigilance is the very thing that puts people to sleep.

National Post
 
Louisiana as the first polity to elect a Libertarian opposition? Truth really is stranger than fiction:

http://moelane.com/2012/08/19/rsrh-i-do-not-object-to-the-libertarians-becoming-louisianas-opposition-party/

#rsrh I do not object to the Libertarians becoming Louisiana’s opposition party.
Because it’s starting to look like that might happen:

Subtract the results of the Second Congressional District, and it is possible that the votes for Libertarian and no party candidates in all of the other U.S. House contests will exceed those cast for Democrats across the rest of Louisiana, belying the notion that state Democrats are anywhere near a sustained and successful rebuilding effort.

The final qualifying statistics registered Republicans having one or more candidates in all six districts, in five of which they are favored overwhelmingly, Libertarians contesting all but the First, and Democrats competing in just three, and in the Second their Rep. Cedric Richmond is the heavy reelection favorite.

Obviously, you need two viable parties for a stable democratic government; equally obviously, the Democrats in Louisiana are having real trouble maintaining one.  Let the Libertarians have their shot, says I; they’ll have to caucus with us in Congress anyway*.

Moe Lane

*The opposite of a liberal is not a conservative; it’s a libertarian.  Libertarians just think that we’re spineless trimmers; and they know blessed well who their REAL enemies are.
 
Chicago, a hardcore Democrat stronghold, is showing how libertarianism as a social movement works. Consider tht when the teachers strike is over, many of the parents will not be sending their children back to the public schools (or only reluctently); since the "Blue Model" failed them, and they have no realistic means of electing the opposition (due to the nature of ward politics in Chicago) their only recourse is to strike out on their own:



Teacher Walkouts in Chicago, Conspicuous Details
by Justin Katz on September 10, 2012
in Education, Unions - Analysis
Comments (5)
The Chicago Tribune is reporting that 25,000 public-school teachers are picketing, rather than teaching, today.  The details are a bit distant from Rhode Island for a finely tuned analysis, but it’s fair to say that the union is not fighting a political class on the verge of right-to-work legislation.  A significant political emphasis on “labor peace” can just mean that the goalposts move.

In this case, Chicago school district administrators are saying that they offered 16% raises over four years. The union is complaining about health benefits, teacher evaluations, and job security.

Taking a long-term view, though, the key sentence in the entire story, by reporters Noreen Ahmed-Ullah, Joel Hood, and Kristen Mack, may very well prove to be the one that I’ve emphasized in the following paragraph:

With a strike, CPS will put its contingency plan in effect, opening 144 schools to students from 8:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. But parents are being urged to find alternatives and use the schools only as a last resort. The city’s 118 charter schools are not affected by a strike.

Charters are essentially the beachhead and refuge that communities are insisting be created as relief from an outdated model that simply doesn’t serve students or cities/towns well. Teachers might want to consider whether organized resistance really serves their cause in the long run.

Here’s one other interesting detail:  In addition to the 144 public schools that “principals, assistant principals and central office employees” will open for four hours of the day to give students someplace to go: “CPS has contracted with 60 churches and faith-based centers; to extend their “safe haven” programs during the strike.”

Between the charters and the community groups, one begins to get the sense that Chicago — surely representative, in this, of cities and towns across the nation — is having to rebuild a civic society in the gaps left by the official government structure.  That is, the official government structure is not so much “the only thing we all belong to“ as akin to some outside organization that communities must be prepared to work around.

That necessity is the theme that seemed tacitly to pervade much of the discussion at the Rhode Island Foundation’s high-profile gathering of local non-government movers and shakers, Friday and Saturday, to discuss reviving the fading state.  It’s as if, taking the corruption and non-responsiveness of government as a given, people are desperate for some other avenue for cooperative action.
 
Ayn Rand would never have been called a Libertarian (and indeed violently objected to libertarianism in general), but many of the philosophical foundations of Objectivism are very similar to Libertarianism. Since the two are related, and Libertarianism is spreading as a social rather than apolitical movement (with modern communications technology allowing people to bypass "gatekeepers", and a large fraction of the population having enough accumulated capital and expertise to not need expert "help"; another means of bypassing gatekeepers), the objections to Ayn Rand are fairly close to objections raised against Libertarianism. Similar memes are raised against the TEA Party movement, which as a small government movement, has a similar philosophical base:

http://opinion.financialpost.com/2012/09/22/terence-corcoran-ayn-rand-still-the-most-dangerous-woman-in-america/

Terence Corcoran: Ayn Rand — still the most dangerous woman in America

Terence Corcoran | Sep 22, 2012 2:32 AM ET | Last Updated: Sep 22, 2012 12:20 PM ET
More from Terence Corcoran | @terencecorcoran

Veteran American libertarian author and activist Jerome Tuccille once wrote a book titled It Usually Begins with Ayn Rand. Not true in my case. For me it all began with Walt Whitman, the 19th-century mystic whose mesmerizing American poetry helped turn me into a free market individualist. “I celebrate myself, and sing myself…” But that’s another story.

These days, I find what began with Walt Whitman is usually fired up in me now by leftist economists who promote big government, Occupy activists who attack corporate greed and politicians who cravenly exploit class warfare over allegedly expanding inequality.

Which is how this piece began, last December, while I was driving home from the office, the radio tuned to a CBC interview with U.S. economist Jeffrey Sachs, prolific best-selling author, renowned statist, Columbia professor, United Nations sideman and an intellectual booster of Occupy Wall Street. For blood-boiling purposes, Mr. Sachs is perfect fuel, and during the CBC interview he delivered all the key words: U.S. politics is corrupt, Republicans and Democrats are complicit, Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, Wall Street, a “veneer of democracy,” a system run by greedy Wall Street thugs and the rich who “don’t follow the law and don’t pay taxes.”

Related

    Paul Ryan and Ayn Rand: What’s a Catholic to think?

    Shrug it off: Ayn Rand’s ideas still hold

    The Romney-Ryan ticket stirs debate abroad

It was pure Occupyism. But then, unprovoked, Mr. Sachs spontaneously veered off the road into an attack on somebody called Ayn Rand. “The Tea Party, the leaders of it, follow Ayn Rand,” he said. “I don’t know how many people here have read this awful woman [much laughter from audience]. Absolutely one of the most pathetic personalities. Really! If you read her biography, she was a sad, sad, lonely, nasty woman, because she preached … antagonism to compassion.”

Mr. Sachs, who was promoting his new book, The Price of Civilization: Reawakening American Virtue and Prosperity, said he had broken out into a “cold sweat” after reading a section of Rand’s novel, Atlas Shrugged, a notorious 100-page speech by one of her characters, John Galt.

“It’s so ugly. Ugly, I’m telling you. It says if you as much as give a smile to a poor person, you’re degrading yourself, you’re making yourself a slave of this person. If you give them the pennies that they want, you’re setting the road on the path of destruction.”

Weird, I thought. Why would a world-famous economist, followed by millions, advisor to UN officials and presidents, launch into a personal attack on a novelist who’s been dead more than 30 years by citing one of her novels and paraphrasing the words of one of her characters? How many people have even heard of Ayn Rand? And who the hell cares what one of her characters said in a novel published 60 years ago?

Lots of people, it appears. Ayn Rand may be long dead, but she seems to have been resurrected as the most dangerous woman in America. Judging by the barrage of attacks and references in the media, one can only conclude that Ayn Rand is a pervasive and increasingly powerful force in U.S. politics, possibly on the brink of toppling the prevailing orthodoxies of modern American liberalism.

Media references to Ayn Rand have skyrocketed over the last year, many of them elaborate putdowns. Her name is dropped like a hand grenade into articles and commentaries, as if readers will instantly recognize the menace. Her name has become an explosive device — like Karl Marx’s or Chairman Mao’s —apparently enough to rankle and send shivers down spines.

Major U.S. columnists — Maureen Dowd, Paul Krugman, David Brooks, Peggy Noonan — have all dabbled in Rand in the last few months, none favourably. Just last week, in The New Yorker, Steven Coll shoehorned Rand into the context of Barack Obama’s speech to the Democratic National Convention. The president, said Coll, offered “a powerful response to the dystopian individualism of the Ayn Rand-influenced Republicans and their leader, Paul Ryan, the Vice-Presidential nominee, by invoking ‘citizenship, a word at the very heart of our founding, at the very essence of our democracy.’”

I’m not going to spend any time reviewing Rand’s ideas. Whether fictional John Galt really said what Jeffrey Sachs describes isn’t the point. It doesn’t really matter when it comes to observing the phenomenon of Ayn Rand as leftist/liberal ideological nightmare.

Looking out over the economic and ideological landscape of America today — a land of big government, massive debt, pervasive regulation, fiscal cliffs — there is scant evidence that Ayn Rand has had much influence on the political life of the country. But today Randophobia appears to be reaching new highs. MSNBC’s talk socialist Lawrence O’Donnell recently devoted much of one show to Ayn Rand’s views as a greed worshipper. “That’s right,” said O’Donnell, “Ayn Rand worshipped greed!”

Rand is everywhere, even the sports pages. Commenting on the NHL lockout, a Globe and Mail sports writer exposed the evil heart of the conflict. Some of the NHL owners, wrote Sean Gordon, “subscribe to a stoutly capitalist and virulently anti-union philosophy. That is to say they’re Randians — adherents to the beliefs of the late polemicist and novelist Ayn Rand — or at very least have strong libertarian sympathies.”

In Newsweek last week, the worldly novelist and stand-up intellectual Martin Amis, analyzing the Republican convention in Tampa, went after Ryan and fellow Republican Ron Paul as “anti-abortion libertarians who have managed to distill a few predatory slogans from Ayn Rand’s unreadable novel, Atlas Shrugged (and if young Paul is blessed with another daughter, he will surely christen her Ayn Ryan—to match Ron’s Rand Paul).” Such wit.

Much of the recent Randophobia — including the Sachs attack — came even before Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney picked Ryan, a Catholic, as his vice-presidential running mate. Ryan claimed to be an avid Rand follower, or at least he apparently had been until he became the vice-presidential candidate and busily began distancing himself from the most dangerous woman in America. “If somebody is going to try to paste a person’s view on epistemology to me, then give me Thomas Aquinas. Don’t give me Ayn Rand,” he said shortly after his selection by Romney — Thomas Aquinas being the 13th century Catholic philosopher who brought reason to the Church’s otherwise irrational worldview. Rand was an atheist, Ryan declared. She was also a hardline pro-choicer, which would not sit well with Ryan the Catholic. Various Catholic organizations also denounced Ryan for having “put the teachings of ultra-capitalist Ayn Rand … before the teachings of Jesus and the Church…”

Village Voice columnist Victoria Bekiempis immediately attacked Paul Ryan’s Randian apostasy and his quick retreat into the arms of Aquinas. “Of course, this is complete bullshit. He hasn’t abandoned his interpretation of Rand’s economic policies. More importantly, though, there’s no way Ryan could read Aquinas — and adhere to his beliefs — without lying to himself and/or doing some serious mental gymnastics. And that’s because Aquinas would have f—— hated Ryan’s capitalism.”

Possibly, although it’s doubtful Aquinas would have put it that way. In any case, Rand (who was herself a fan of Aquinas up to a point) would also likely have hated Ryan’s version of capitalism. She certainly had no time for conservatism, whose unprincipled power seeking she saw as more dangerous than liberalism. At least liberals stood for something. “Today ‘conservatives’ are futile, impotent and, culturally, dead,” she once wrote. “They have nothing to offer and can achieve nothing. They can only help to destroy intellectual standards, to disintegrate thought, to discredit capitalism, and to accelerate this country’s uncontested collapse into despair and dictatorship.”

Not all of Rand’s critics are categorical in their condemnation. Christopher Hitchens, by my reading, had a soft spot for Rand, a fellow atheist. He did call her novels “transcendentally awful,” and in a 2008 column, he said that Rand and Mary Baker Eddy, the Christian Science founder, were “two of the battiest females every to have infested the American scene.” But he also, in a 2009 lecture, said he has “some respect” for one of Rand’s non-fiction works, The Virtue of Selfishness, even though he said he doubted there was “any need for essays advocating selfishness among human beings,” since “some things require no further reinforcement.”

In New York magazine’s fall preview issue a few weeks ago, the back-of-the-book featurette called “The Approval Matrix” placed a reference to Rand in the “highbrow despicable” quadrant. “Are we really going to spend the next three months talking about Ayn Rand?”

Could be. On Tuesday this week, the Ayn Rand Institute in Los Angeles launched a new book that could spell continuing election-year trouble for liberals and conservatives. Free Market Revolution: How Ayn Rand’s Ideas Can End Big Government, written by Institute executive Yaron Brook and associate Don Watkins, is a smooth, readable and easy-to-digest summary of Randian theory plugged into current political and economic developments. This is no John Galt marathon of dense theory in a fictional setting. Section headings alone will cause heads to explode left and right: The Right’s Crusade for Big Government; The 2008 Housing Meltdown: The Crisis That Government Built; Rethinking Selfishness; The Immoral Entitlement State; Why Only Rational Selfishness Will Do; You Are Not Your Brother’s Health Care Provider.

Steve Forbes, in a blurb for the new book, said Free Market Revolution will raise the ire of every statist, socialist and crony capitalist. Rand understood — as do the authors of this too timely book — that free markets are, indeed, moral while Big Government is manifestly not.”

On Thursday, in New York, the Ayn Rand Institute held a fundraiser at the St. Regis Hotel under the banner: The Atlas Shrugged Revolution. Speakers included Brook, Wall Street Journal editorial board member Stephen Moore, and John Allison, a member of the board of the Rand Institute.
   
Rand’s supporters appear to be moving in on Washington’s Cato Institute, a libertarian bastion long headed by Ed Crane but now presided over by John Allison, the Ayn Rand Institute board member. Allison, a former banker from North Carolina, with funding from the billionaire Koch brothers, themselves characters out of Occupy/liberal nightmares, has said he aims to reshape Cato along Randian lines.

This is war. Rand condemned liberals and conservatives, but had even stronger views about libertarians. In a 2009 biography of Rand, author Jennifer Burns records that during Rand’s public speeches, she called libertarians “scum,” “intellectual cranks” and “plagiarists.”

It’s hard to tell today who has more to gain or lose from the seeming resurrection of Ayn Rand as an ideological enemy of the statists. She had no time for most other worldviews, right, left or libertarian. She would have fought the Cato Institute, she would have rejected the Tea Party movement, and she would have sought to demolish the Jeffrey Sachs of the world.

Whether all the recent attacks are signs of a real surge in Ayn Rand and her radical outlook I cannot tell. She’s still in the news, particularly in the wake of Mitt Romney’s video reference to the 47% of Americans who pay no tax and receive government funds. Critics quickly pounced, accusing Romney of talking about “moochers,” a Randian phrase. On Wednesday, Open Salon blogger and former Republican speechwriter Ted Frier said he thought Romney had exposed his “inner Ayn Rand” and that she was “enjoying a comeback in plutocratic circles.”

If Ayn Rand were really making a comeback, nobody would be safe. And everybody seems to know it.

National Post
tcorcoran@nationalpost.com
 
This guide is also good for people who do not understand Libertarian memes or find arguments against Libertariansim confusing because what is being argued against really isn't there. Good background reading material:

http://www.cato.org/policy-report/januaryfebruary-2013/top-10-ways-talk-about-libertarianism

Top 10 Ways to Talk about Libertarianism

By David Boaz

I give a lot of speeches and interviews about libertarianism. Often I have to begin simply by explaining what libertarianism is. Always I’m looking for effective ways to convey the essential libertarian ideas. So today I’m just setting out very briefly my Top 10 Ways to Talk about Libertarianism.


10. When I talk in the broadest terms about Americans who hold libertarian views, I often use the popular journalistic phrase “fiscally conservative and socially liberal” — as in my new ebook with David Kirby and Emily Ekins, The Libertarian Vote: Swing Voters, Tea Parties, and the Fiscally Conservative, Socially Liberal Center.


9. I’m also partial to Adam Smith’s lovely phrase, “the simple system of natural liberty.” Set up a few simple rules, protect people’s rights, and liberty is what happens naturally.


8. The most eloquent piece of libertarian writing in history is Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence, and “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” is a great statement of the libertarian vision.


7. I like this rarely quoted line from Ayn Rand:

If men of good will wish to come together for the purpose of upholding reason and establishing a rational society, they should begin by following the example of the cowboys in Western movies when the sheriff tells them at the door to a conference room: “Gentlemen, leave your guns outside.”

Exactly. Civilized people rely on persuasion, not force.


6. Sometimes I organize a speech around three key ideas of libertarianism:

Spontaneous order: the understanding that most of the order in society, from language and law to the economy, happens naturally, without a central plan;
Natural rights: the rights to life, liberty, and property that we have inherently, not as a gift from government; and,
Limited government: the political system that protects our rights without infringing on our freedom.


5. At Tom Palmer’s urging, I created a speech, or at least a speech opening, around the theme that “Libertarianism is the application of science and reason to the study of politics and public policy.” That is, libertarians deal in reality, not magic. We know that government doesn’t have magical powers to ignore the laws of economics and human nature.


4. Inspired by Robert Fulghum’s bestseller All I Really Need to Know I Learned in Kindergarten, I like to tell people that you learn the essence of libertarianism — which is also the essence of civilization — in kindergarten:

Don’t hit other people.
Don’t take their stuff.
Keep your promises.

3. Another pithy explanation I like came from a highschool libertarian newsletter some 20 years ago: Smokey the Bear’s rules for fire safety also apply to government — keep it small, keep it in a confined area, and keep an eye on it.


2. In Libertarianism: A Primer, I described the fundamental libertarian principle this way:

The corollary of the libertarian principle that “Every person has the right to live his life as he chooses, so long as he does not interfere with the equal rights of others” is this: No one has the right to initiate aggression against the person or property of anyone else.

This “non-aggression axiom” is perhaps most associated with Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard, but its roots go back to Spencer, Mill, Locke, Pufendorf, and even Epicurus.


1. And finally, the number 1 way to talk about libertarianism — or at least a sentence I found effective when I was talking about Libertarianism: A Primer on talk shows: “Libertarianism is the idea that adult individuals have the right and the responsibility to make the important decisions about their lives.” Every word is important there: We’re talking about individuals. We’re talking about adults; the question of children’s rights is far more complex. Responsibility is just as important as rights.

Of course, today government claims the power to make many of those decisions for us, from where to send our kids to school to what we can smoke to how we must save for retirement. And that is why it’s important for us to promote the ideas of liberty and to do so as effectively as we can.

David Boaz is Executive Vice President of the Cato Institute.
 
While the idea of "Liberaltarianism" is odd, I think this is much more a manifestation of the "Libertarianism as a social movemenmt" than a political movement (yet). The corresponding changes in Republican policies or at least discussions noted in the article is the "other half" of Libertarian thought.

Libertarianism as a social movement has people moving in the direction of personal and economic freedoms as opportunities increase (i.e. lower capital costs of items, higher levels of education, greater personal accumulations of wealth and the ability to bypass "gatekeepers"), but since most people see themselves politically in a particular camp or party, their personal and social preferences will then tend to inform how they view their party and what sorts of measures they are prepared to support. A Libertarian leaning person in the Democrat (Liberal/NDP/Socialist to move farther along the spectrum) will support more individual and social liberties. A person on the Republican (Conservative/Classical Liberal) side of the spectrum will gravitate towards economic issues, which I think explains the divide:

http://douthat.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/04/23/the-liberaltarian-democrats/

The Liberaltarian Democrats

I haven’t written anything about the entirely predictable demise of the post-Newtown gun control push, but this passage from Politico’s coverage of last week’s Senate vote seemed worth a comment:

In the end, however, moderates and conservatives in the upper chamber said they simply couldn’t deal with a flurry of progressive issues at once — from gay marriage to immigration to guns.

The other three Democratic “no” votes — Max Baucus of Montana, Mark Pryor of Arkansas and Mark Begich of Alaska — were never really in play, sources familiar with the situation told POLITICO.

One senator told a White House official that it was “Guns, gays and immigration – it’s too much. I can be with you on one or two of them, but not all three.”

The first paragraph’s conservative-versus-progressive frame is useful for understanding why this particular group of issues creates pressures on centrist, purple-state Democrats. But to understand why gun control in particular was the bridge too far, it’s worth reaching for a slightly more esoteric political category — namely, “liberaltarianism,” a phrase coined in 2006 by Brink Lindsey, then of the Cato Institute, to describe the possibility of a liberal-libertarian rapprochement.

Lindsey had an ambitious vision of what his proposed fusion would involve: Liberals and libertarians would embrace their pre-existing common ground on civil liberties (or what looked like common ground in the Cheney era) and most social issues, and then they would jointly “elaborate a vision of economic policy” that would promote libertarian ideas about free enterprise and a light regulatory footprint as a means to sustaining the liberal vision of a sturdy social safety net. “On the one hand,” he wrote, trying to sketch this vision out, “restrictions on competition and burdens on private initiative would be lifted … At the same time, some of the resulting wealth-creation would be used to improve safety-net policies that help those at the bottom.”

I think it’s fair to say that Obama-era liberalism hasn’t lived up to this conception. Obama isn’t the Marxist of conservative paranoia, but his economic vision is far more dirigiste than libertarian — which is a big reason why many of the economic libertarians who had soured on the Bush-era G.O.P. ended up returning to the Republican fold. (Though not Lindsey himself, I should note.) On national security, meanwhile, the Democratic Party is plainly much less libertarian — and the Republican Party, mostly thanks to Rand Paul, slightly more so — than it was when Lindsey was drawing up his form of fusionism.

But on most cultural issues, the Democratic Party clearly has grown steadily more, well, “liberaltarian” since Lindsey coined the term. Again, if you look at things on a right-left axis, as the Politico piece quoted above does, the resistance to even modest gun control measures among many swing-state Democrats seems like the exception to the Obama-era party’s leftward shifts on gay marriage, immigration (where the party’s Byron Dorgans are all but extinct), and recreational drugs. But if you look at things from a libertarian perspective instead, it’s all perfectly consistent — the freedoms of gun owners being of a piece with the freedoms of migrants and pot smokers and gay couples — and an indication that the Democrats are simply becoming more culturally libertarian across the board.

When you combine this trend with the Republican Party’s sharp libertarian turn on economics and modest libertarian turn on civil liberties, you could argue that libertarian ideology has never enjoyed more bipartisan influence than it does right now.
And yet a thoroughoing synthesis, of the kind that Lindsey hoped for, between libertarianism’s economic and social ideas seems as unlikely as ever. Instead, the kind of “liberaltarianism” that’s increasingly ascendant is one that combines a highly individualistic view of our social and cultural fabric, and government’s role therein, with a statist understanding of government’s role in providing economic security — and security, period. As Scott Galupo shrewdly puts it, it’s big government as ”a guarantor of personal liberation and self-actualization” — unless your form of self-actualization runs afoul of the national security state, in which case you can be tried in a star chamber and executed by drone.

This is where the Democratic Party has been moving, in fits and starts, for some time now, but the Obama era has thrown the combination — an imperial presidency, a corporatist economic policy, and then a libertarian turn on almost every social issue — into sharp relief. It isn’t the liberaltarianism that Brink Lindsey had in mind, but it’s the liberaltarianism we seem destined to live under for at least a little while to come.
 
It is abusive use of regulatory powers which are the "stick" which drives more people towards the "Libertarianism as a social movement" meme, and if the State can create such a self evidently stupid and counterproductive regulation as this, imagine what has been going on where real technical expertise was needed to draft regulations or laws?

http://lfb.org/today/how-government-wrecked-the-gas-can/

How Government Wrecked the Gas Can
Jeffrey Tucker · May 7, 2012

2478 326 118 5222

The gas gauge broke. There was no smartphone app to tell me how much was left, so I ran out. I had to call the local gas station to give me enough to get on my way. The gruff but lovable attendant arrived in his truck and started to pour gas in my car’s tank. And pour. And pour.

“Hmmm, I just hate how slow these gas cans are these days,” he grumbled. “There’s no vent on them.”

That sound of frustration in this guy’s voice was strangely familiar, the grumble that comes when something that used to work but doesn’t work anymore, for some odd reason we can’t identify.

I’m pretty alert to such problems these days. Soap doesn’t work. Toilets don’t flush. Clothes washers don’t clean. Light bulbs don’t illuminate. Refrigerators break too soon. Paint discolors. Lawnmowers have to be hacked. It’s all caused by idiotic government regulations that are wrecking our lives one consumer product at a time, all in ways we hardly notice.

It’s like the barbarian invasions that wrecked Rome, taking away the gains we’ve made in bettering our lives. It’s the bureaucrats’ way of reminding market producers and consumers who is in charge.

Surely, the gas can is protected. It’s just a can, for goodness sake. Yet he was right. This one doesn’t have a vent. Who would make a can without a vent unless it was done under duress? After all, everyone knows to vent anything that pours. Otherwise, it doesn’t pour right and is likely to spill.

It took one quick search. The whole trend began in (wait for it) California. Regulations began in 2000, with the idea of preventing spillage. The notion spread and was picked up by the EPA, which is always looking for new and innovative ways to spread as much human misery as possible.

An ominous regulatory announcement from the EPA came in 2007: “Starting with containers manufactured in 2009… it is expected that the new cans will be built with a simple and inexpensive permeation barrier and new spouts that close automatically.”

The government never said “no vents.” It abolished them de facto with new standards that every state had to adopt by 2009. So for the last three years, you have not been able to buy gas cans that work properly. They are not permitted to have a separate vent. The top has to close automatically. There are other silly things now, too, but the biggest problem is that they do not do well what cans are supposed to do.

And don’t tell me about spillage. It is far more likely to spill when the gas is gurgling out in various uneven ways, when one spout has to both pour and suck in air. That’s when the lawn mower tank becomes suddenly full without warning, when you are shifting the can this way and that just to get the stuff out.

There’s also the problem of the exploding can. On hot days, the plastic models to which this regulation applies can blow up like balloons. When you release the top, gas flies everywhere, including possibly on a hot engine. Then the trouble really begins.

Never heard of this rule? You will know about it if you go to the local store. Most people buy one or two of these items in the course of a lifetime, so you might otherwise have not encountered this outrage.

Yet let enough time go by. A whole generation will come to expect these things to work badly. Then some wise young entrepreneur will have the bright idea, “Hey, let’s put a hole on the other side so this can work properly.” But he will never be able to bring it into production. The government won’t allow it because it is protecting us!

It’s striking to me that the websites and institutions that complain about government involvement in our lives never mentioned this, at least not so far as I can tell. The only sites that seem to have discussed this are the boating forums and the lawn forums. These are the people who use these cans more than most. The level of anger and vitriol is amazing to read, and every bit of it is justified.

There is no possible rationale for these kinds of regulations. It can’t be about emissions really, since the new cans are more likely to result in spills. It’s as if some bureaucrat were sitting around thinking of ways to make life worse for everyone, and hit upon this new, cockamamie rule.

These days, government is always open to a misery-making suggestion. The notion that public policy would somehow make life better is a relic of days gone by. It’s as if government has decided to specialize in what it is best at and adopt a new principle: “Let’s leave social progress to the private sector; we in the government will concentrate on causing suffering and regress.”

You are already thinking of hacks. Why not just stab the thing with a knife and be done with it? If you have to transport the can in the car, that’s a problem. You need a way to plug the vent with something.

Some boating forums have suggested drilling a hole and putting a tire stem in there and using the screw top as the way to close the hole. Great idea. Just what I wanted to do with my Saturday afternoon, hacking the gas can to make it work exactly as well as it did three years ago, before government wrecked it.

You can also buy an old-time metal can. It turns out that special regulations pertain here, too, and it’s all about the spout, which is not easy to fill. They are also unusually expensive. I’m not sure that either of these options is ideal.

It fascinates me to see how these regulations give rise to market-based workarounds. I’ve elsewhere called this the speak-easy economy. The government bans something. No one likes the ban. People are determined to get on with their lives, regardless. They step outside the narrow bounds of the law.

It wouldn’t surprise me to find, for example, a sudden proliferation of heavy-duty “water cans” in 1- and 5-gallon sizes, complete with nice spouts and vents, looking almost exactly like the gas cans you could get anywhere just a few years ago. How very interesting to discover this.

Of course, this law-abiding writer would never advocate buying one of these and using it for some purpose other than what is written on the package. Doing something like that would show profound disrespect for our betters in the bureaucracies. And if I did suggest something like that, there’s no telling the trouble that it would bring down on my head.

Ask yourself this: If they can wreck such a normal and traditional item like this, and do it largely under the radar screen, what else have they mandatorily malfunctioned? How many other things in our daily lives have been distorted, deformed and destroyed by government regulations?

If some product annoys you in surprising ways, there’s a good chance that it is not the invisible hand at work, but rather the regulatory grip that is squeezing the life out of civilization itself.
 
Many of these same issues exist in Canada, and may well translate into an increased interest in libertarian ideas and practice. While it might be nice to dream of such things, I doubt it will translate into a sweeping libertarian takeover of either Canada or the United States (and by its very nature, libertarian philosophy is not well suited for large scale governance, but rather to build the "small platoons" of day to day living):

http://www.mindingthecampus.com/originals/2013/10/riseoflibertarians.html

The Rise of the Libertarians
 
By Duke Cheston

Libertarianism is spreading on our college campuses. An unusually large number of politically-minded, frustrated students, who refer to themselves as the "liberty movement," believe themselves to be part of a rising tide that will restore the country to greatness.

Much of the recent growth in libertarian activism emerged after Ron Paul's 2008 failed presidential bid, when Jeff Frazee, Paul's national youth coordinator, founded Young Americans for Liberty (YAL). Aided in part by the right-of-center activist training group the Leadership Institute and its team of field representatives, YAL now boasts chapters on over 380 campuses and a membership of some 125,000 students. Another libertarian group, Students for Liberty, has since seen exponential growth since its founding in 2008. At the end of 2008, there were 42 campus groups in the SFL network. By 2013, SFL claimed an affiliation with 930 groups worldwide: 767 in the U.S., over 100 in Europe, and a few dozen in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

David Deerson, who was the president of UNC-Chapel Hill's YAL chapter until he graduated in May, says that his personal story is a "microcosm" of the growth of the liberty movement on campus. When he arrived at UNC as a freshman, he sought out the student libertarian group. There were only about four people regularly attending the weekly meetings, and they didn't do much in terms of activism. But by the time Deerson graduated, roughly 25 people attended weekly meetings, and the group--now a chapter of YAL--was winning awards for its activism.

Deerson credited the growth of the club to the training he received from Students for Liberty and to changing attitudes among students. A handful of studies lend credence to this view. A 2011 study by UCLA scientists found incoming students to have more liberal views, but only on social issues, meaning that there are more students who identify as fiscally conservative and socially liberal--in effect, libertarian. A 2012 survey by the Panetta Institute found that 30 percent of college students have libertarian beliefs. Indeed, the present time seems to be a "libertarian moment" for the entire country, as statistician Nate Silver has suggested.

There are several issues that seem to drive students to the libertarian camp. One of the most prominent is foreign policy. Deerson pointed out that the war in Afghanistan, which has been for ongoing for over half the lifespan of today's college students, leads them to question American foreign policy's goals and methods.

Foreign policy was certainly a driving force for Craig Dixon, a regional field coordinator for the Leadership Institute and former leader of Young Americans for Liberty in North Carolina. "I was raised in a Reaganite household," said Dixon, but "became disillusioned with the contemporary GOP during the Kerry v. Bush Presidential race in 2004. I was very disgruntled with what I saw as a distorted foreign policy that had ceased to be conservative." Though he still considered (and considers) himself to be a conservative, he tried to start a campus libertarian group at Appalachian State University in 2005, without much success. He later succeeded in 2007, aided by enthusiasm for the Ron Paul campaign. That group became a YAL chapter after the election, and Dixon became state chairman for the organization.

Another issue driving libertarian activism is disenchantment with middle class entitlements. Programs like Social Security are beginning to run deficits, and demographic projections suggest that receiving a substantial payout upon retirement may not be an option for those just entering the program. In surveys, many millennials say they don't think the program will exist by the time they're supposed to receive benefits.

Young people are getting a "raw deal" from politicians' deceptive promises, Deerson said.

So there are more college libertarians nowadays, but where are they coming from? The UCLA survey mentioned above suggests that it is primarily conservatives who are losing ground to libertarians, but some anecdotal evidence suggests a greater diversity of backgrounds. In an informal survey of members of the YAL chapter at UNC, Deerson said that about 40 percent of students had been raised Democrat, about 40 percent had been raised Republican, and about 20 percent said they had always been libertarian.

Establishment conservatives are leery of the young libertarians for several reasons. Some, like Lindsey Graham and John McCain (who recently dismissed them as "libertarian kids," much to the delight of YAL members), say they are naïve about world politics. Others, like National Review's Jonah Goldberg, believe that a coalition of social liberals and fiscal conservatives--the kind the libertarians hope to build--would be disastrously ineffective in terms of actually limiting the size of government. In practice, Goldberg notes, strong social conservative credentials tend to coincide with effectiveness in lowering taxes. Social conservatives tend to vote for tax cutters and are crucial in efforts to limit government. Moreover, many people who describe themselves as socially liberal and fiscally conservative--those people that Kate O'Beirne dubbed the "jackalopes of American politics"--tend to vote Democrat, making it clear that they care more about social liberalism than fiscal conservatism.

It's difficult to say what impact the campus liberty movement will have on American politics. Some of the things they do--such as press releases that mock John McCain for being old--suggest that they are unserious and not ready for the mainstream. Then again, perhaps we should expect sophomoric antics from sophomores, and the movement will gain maturity as its members do. In any case, they have momentum and they will be interesting to watch in coming years.

- See more at: http://www.mindingthecampus.com/originals/2013/10/riseoflibertarians.html#sthash.WWuGpEn6.dpuf
 
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