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New Foreign and Defence Policy Statements - 19 Apr 05

Allen said:
A lot of people on this board who believe the Conservatives are the solution to everything, I notice. Sure, it's reasonable to be skeptical of a Liberal defence policy. But do you honestly believe a Conservative defence policy would be more credible? If so, where are our 12 nuclear subs? Our 400 tanks? Anyone remember those promises? Mulroney's grand plan folded like a cheap suitcase, with "deficit-fighting" as a flimsy excuse.

At least the Liberal gov't eventually delivered on all the equipment proposed in the 1994 White Paper, as inadequate as that was.

Conservative commitment to defence is as shaky as Liberal...Harper & friends talk a good game, that's all. Your blind faith in the Cons will be shaken when they come to power, trust me.

If you surf around the site, I'm sure the more senior posters will have made the same points that you have. I believe the general consenus on the board is nobody actually has any use for politicians of any particular variety, so IMHO that would make most of us no different than the RoC.    
 
I have no "Blind faith" in the Conservatives, but given the real dearth of alternatives, we at least owe it to ourselves to give them a chance. (Can you imagine the NDP Defense White Paper?).

Given that, I find Harper's performance very unsettling, the guy has vanished behind the "cloaking device" and I have not seen too many substantial ideas coming from that side of the house. Unless Infanteer is running for Imperator, I am hard pressed to find other alternatives.
 
Allen said:
A lot of people on this board who believe the Conservatives are the solution to everything, I notice. Sure, it's reasonable to be skeptical of a Liberal defence policy. But do you honestly believe a Conservative defence policy would be more credible? If so, where are our 12 nuclear subs? Our 400 tanks? Anyone remember those promises? Mulroney's grand plan folded like a cheap suitcase, with "deficit-fighting" as a flimsy excuse.
Fair comment ... Chretien demonstrated that there was at least $100million immediately available for new aircraft.

At least the Liberal gov't eventually delivered on all the equipment proposed in the 1994 White Paper, as inadequate as that was.
Good to see all those operational Maritime Helicopters (you DO remember that they started by cancelling the MHP purchase, right?) ... IIRC most of the 1994 Defense White Paper related to CUTS: as in less total numbers, less CF-18s, etc.:  "thanks."

Conservative commitment to defence is as shaky as Liberal...Harper & friends talk a good game, that's all. Your blind faith in the Cons will be shaken when they come to power, trust me.
"Vote for the Liberals, because the Conservatives might be almost as bad!"  ???

I thought the line was now something like 'a vote for the Conservatives is a vote for the break-up of Canada': are you scheduled to testify before the Gomery commission?
 
Guardian said:
I agree with most of what you said, but this idea of LAV-capable airlift is something that keeps coming up in discussions like this, in the media, here, and elsewhere - and I always shake my head. Canada will NEVER afford the number of long-range aircraft capable of carrying LAV-IIIs in any quantity large enough to make a difference. Or in other words, a C-17 is something like $350 million Canadian each - and (correct me if I'm wrong) they can only carry 2 LAVs apiece. The CF may very well buy 4 or 5 of these aircraft - I hope so - but to pin our hopes on them to carry LAVs around is unrealistic, unless the CF intends to deploy future tours in platoon or at most company strength.

If we want to both stay relevant AND retain a mostly mechanized land force, then the most important thing we need is fast sealift. Three or four large RO-RO vessels will carry a brigade; you would need thousands of C-17 sorties by hundreds of aircraft over a period of weeks to do the same thing. Airlift is great for getting light forces around, for putting small intervention forces in place quickly, and most importantly, for supplying forces already in place, but for larger-scale deployments of mechanized forces sealift is far more economical.


A_majoor and Guardian:

Yes, you guys are right. The budget factor is a HUGE weight that has to be considered when discussing any defence procurements (Even if we are just a bunch of army guys ranting about what we want for Christmas  ;D).  And true, purchasing RO-ROs instead of say X6 350 million dollar aircraft does make more economical sense.

But the reason I stressed air transport capabilities along with Rapid Reaction forces such as the Airborne was because many of the so called 'failed states' we would potentially intervene on are land-locked. Afghanistan, Rwanda, parts of the former Yugoslavia, Darfur, don't have access to seaports and therefore any invasion force would have to be flown in.

As pointed out by another poster to this forum, many future missions will probably take place in Africa or the Middle East. Not too many of those surronding countries are willing to open up their borders and allow troops and equipment to pass from their ports to the borders of the 'failed state'. The most poignant example I can think of is the War in Iraq. In the months leading up to the war in 2003 the possibility of a northern front were dashed by Turkey refusing to allow American troops to passs through its territory to Iraq. Even after an apparent bribe of $10 billion in economic 'aid' did not sway the opinion of the Turks. Thus, the plan for a northern front was dashed and the entire 3rd Infantry Division (I think it was this one) was forced to travel all the way to Kuwait via ship.    

If we keep the forces 'light' than air transport becomes a strategical asset. Besides, most of the combatants in the War in Iraq (let alone most combat theatres you reg force guys are deployed to) were gunman armed with machine guns and RPGs. Any enemy tanks that were on the ground were effectively taken out by air power. Is it me or is armour now just an extra security blanket?

Ok now that I have made enemies of all the armour guys on this site (I still highly respect you guys  ;D) does anyone see validity to my arguments?
 
You seem to think I am a Liberal supporter...not true.  Nor am I so cynical as to believe all elected officials are evil. I am just saying that the Conservative and Liberal parties are more similar than many people believe, and in the event of a Conservative victory, people should brace themselves for more compromise and slow progress regarding defence issues. Not the massive turnaround they are trumpeting.

In fact I will vote Conservative in the next election, because I am clinging to the last vestiges of hope that they can clean up the government and make it more efficient. However, since I live in the riding of Parkdale-High Park, that vote will merely be symbolically defiant.

On the other issue, since the paper touts rapid-reaction forces, dedicated strategic airlift is absolutely necessary. About half a dozen planes to quickly fly a light vanguard force to a hotspot. Ships to move a battle group to an already established mission.
 
George Wallace said:
Ah!   That would be a big yes and a NO.   They were a Quick Reaction Force for Canadian Sovereignty missions, not necessarily for foreign operations.   They were capable to be deployed, but were seldom sent outside of Canada.   They were in Cyprus for the War, in 1974, between the Greeks and Turks, but didn't deploy again outside of Canada until Somalia.  

    What combat operation/s, between '74 and 92' in which a rapid reaction force was required by Canada, a unit other than the Airborne was deployed?  Also, what unit/s would have been deployed foremost if a rapid reaction force was required for foreign combat operations? 

Allen said:
I am just saying that the Conservative and Liberal parties are more similar than many people believe, and in the event of a Conservative victory, people should brace themselves for more compromise and slow progress regarding defence issues. Not the massive turnaround they are trumpeting.

    How do you come to this conclusion?
 
What will be interesting now will be to see (assuming we actually get the resources and political support,) if the CDS can smash the service ricebowls and finally turn the mistake of Unification into true Jointness. As well, I wonder how many people serving will be ready and willing to work for change, and how many will just stand on the professional sidewalk, smirking cynically and hoping it will all fail like grand schemes before it.. Years of disappointment, betrayal and frustration can take a deadly toll on the ability of people in an organization to get behind something worthwhile. I hope we can rise to the occasion. I see better intentions and ideas being expressed , by Govt, CDS and CLS now than I have seen in 30 years of service: I say we should give it a fair chance and seize on the opportunity to pull ourselves out of the mudhole.

Cheers.
 
How do you come to this conclusion?

Both the Cons & the Libs are trying to move to the political centre to seem moderate. Look at the many areas Harper has muted his former stance on certain issues. Also, his reponse to the last budget was grudging agreement with the defence and tax areas. Basically he said "the Liberals used our ideas", not "this is inadequate and unachievable".

Plus any overhaul of the military will be slowed by creaking beaurocratic machinery at DND no matter what party is in power.
 
I'm wondering though, if Harper has changed his mind on certain issues that he doesn't voice or if he's not revealing what he truly feels about it.  I'm not sure if his "grudging argeement" was due wholely to the fact that of his own ideas being used, but maybe to wait off on an election after much damaging testimony in the courts.  Could have said; 'Hey, let's go along with them now, rather than trying to win a minority, wait a few months then most likely win a minority, perhaps maybe even a majority.'
 
As I mentioned in Military Current Affairs and News/Canada revamps foreign policy, I am still rereading and digesting the IPS - which includes the defence issues - and I will comment later but I cannot resists commenting on the commentators, especially not MGen (Ret'd) Lew MacKenzie who weighed in on the IPS in today's Globe and Mail at: http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20050421.wxcodefe21/BNStory/specialComment/  I have highlighted points with which I agree in yellow and I have highlighted a couple in pink upon which I wish to comment.

Mission: Remaking the military
Canada must act decisively on the new defence paper. Our security depends on it

By LEWIS MACKENZIE
Thursday, April 21, 2005 Updated at 8:42 AM EST
From Thursday's Globe and Mail

For the past decade, a long line of prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs and ministers of defence have promised ad nauseam a new and relevant white paper on defence to replace the dated and unsupported 1994 edition. While the Senate and various think tanks across the country filled the policy vacuum with excellent research and recommendations, the Canadian Forces were left to react as best they could to day-to-day crises without a clear understanding of what their political masters wanted from them. The military, forced to sacrifice more of its budget than any other government department in the battle to slay the deficit dragon, became seriously distrustful of its political masters.

Tuesday's release of A Defence Policy for the 21st Century reflects a realistic reaction to an increasingly dangerous world. The proposed changes are modest in scale, but decades overdue; if implemented, they'll make Canada a safer place and will permit our forces to once again play a meaningful role on the international stage.

There are those who see our country as a peaceful Eden inhabited by morally superior people with no axe to grind with anyone. Surely no terrorist would want to attack us when there are so many truly offensive people in the world more deserving of being targeted?

Fortunately, the review sees through this myth and assigns as the Canadian Forces' highest priority the defence of Canada and North America in close co-operation with the United States.

The command structure needed to respond quickly to any and all threats will be simplified from coast to coast. Personnel from the navy, army and air force will find themselves serving cheek by jowl in the same headquarters in the pursuit of operational synergies.

The review acknowledges that Canadians are now under greater threat than during the Cold War. To cope, the Canadian Forces will be restructured to enhance operational readiness.

Canada's well-earned reputation as a major player in the world's trouble spots has taken a beating in the international arena. When I retired in 1993, Canada had major contingents serving in Cambodia, Cyprus, Somalia, Bosnia, Croatia, Sinai, and the Golan Heights, not to forget the more than 5,000 Canadians still serving with NATO forces stationed in Germany. All in all, close to 10,000 Canadian service personnel were helping to maintain international peace and security. Reduced budgets, 30,000 fewer personnel and serious sustainability problems resulted in our "exit stage left." Now a modest contingent in Afghanistan is our only major deployment. As far as UN deployments go, we have gone from No. 1 in 1993 with close to 5,000 souls deployed, to No. 36 with a mere 300 Canadians wearing the blue beret.

The review confirms that Canada intends to build its capacity to take the fight against terrorism offshore, rather than wait for terrorism's practitioners to show up in our own backyard. To do this, we must be capable of getting to the source of the problem -- to failed states, for example -- without begging a lift from someone else. Last year, it took Canada a full month to move just 300 soldiers to Haiti -- which is in our own hemisphere -- not exactly what you'd call rapid reaction.

The review prompted an audible sigh of relief from retired dinosaurs like myself who have been pleading for the creation of an expeditionary capability based on ships designed to lift the army and its kit to the world's trouble spots. It foresees the creation of two new joint formations (of all three services working together). The formation with the shortest fuse will be the special operations group based on Joint Task Force 2, with supporting helicopter, army and navy forces as required. When these folks go to work in the morning, without prior warning they just might not make it home for a few months or so. The second formation, on 10 days' notice to deploy, will be the Standing Contingency Task Force, made up of designated navy, army, air force and special operations personnel. Overseeing and commanding these formations will be a national command structure with operational efficiency as its first priority.

The defence review confirms the promise of increasing the regular force by 5,000 and the reserves by 3,000. Fortunately, the ill-founded and impractical idea promised in the last election to create a "peacekeeping brigade" has been dropped. Constabulary peacekeepers are unemployed these days; what the world needs to sort out the thugs in places like Darfur are well-trained, well-equipped combat soldiers who show up in a timely manner.

Regrettably, the review's implementation faces major hurdles. Under current procurement procedures, it will take more than a decade to bring new major equipment on line, even if the cash is available. In the interest of national security, we must change procurement procedures. I'm also concerned that the esprit de corps that exists in formed regiments will be difficult to foster if the new special forces are based largely on temporary organizational structures. U.S. experience in Iraq confirms that homogeneous formed units with regimental spirit and élan are superior to those created for the event.
The plan to restructure the Canadian Forces in order to meet the demands of the review has yet to be written. I hope that Chief of Defence Staff General Rick Hillier revisits the option of bringing already formed units up to strength and using them as stable building blocks in the creation of the new formations.

The 1994 white paper on defence gathered dust and ridicule. In the interests of our security and our reputation, let's hope this current review has a better fate.

Retired major-general Lewis MacKenzie was the first commander of UN peacekeeping forces in Sarajevo.

The command structure needed to respond quickly to any and all threats will be simplified from coast to coast. Personnel from the navy, army and air force will find themselves serving cheek by jowl in the same headquarters in the pursuit of operational synergies.  While I welcome a simplified joint command structure I will wait and see if a new Canada Command actually fills the bill.  C2 has, ever since 1919, been one of the Canadian military's weak points; we have tended towards empire building, in peace and war.  Good, sometimes great Canadian sailors, soldiers and aviators have laboured under too many indifferent (at best) commanders who controlled through too many, too large, too complex and over-ranked headquarters.  I have seen little, over the past 50 years, to persuade me that we have, suddenly, seen the error of our ways.  We appear to love HQs - the more, the bigger and the less necessary the merrier.

The second formation, on 10 days' notice to deploy, will be the Standing Contingency Task Force, made up of designated navy, army, air force and special operations personnel. Overseeing and commanding these formations will be a national command structure with operational efficiency as its first priority.  This is a welcome development but I, personally, am concerned that:

"¢ First - we need, at the very least, two of them, backed up by four or five times as many people in reserve; and

"¢ Second - keeping units and formations at a high (and 10 days' notice is bloody high) state of headiness for sustained periods is hideously expensive.  I hope we, the country, will agree to develop and then sustain that capability.

I'm also concerned that the esprit de corps that exists in formed regiments will be difficult to foster if the new special forces are based largely on temporary organizational structures. U.S. experience in Iraq confirms that homogeneous formed units with regimental spirit and élan are superior to those created for the event.  Agreed, 100%.  In addition to men and money we need a new, national, top-to-bottom Agenda of Respect for the military and its institutions and for the men and women in it.  Many of us, here on army.ca, have been talking around and about this over the past many months.  When I have a few free hours I intend to put some thoughts on 'paper.'
 
Allen said:
You seem to think I am a Liberal supporter...not true.
You just seem to be cover all of their spin-doctor's talking points.

Nor am I so cynical as to believe all elected officials are evil. I am just saying that the Conservative and Liberal parties are more similar than many people believe,
how about "have been led to believe by the Liberal propaganda machine" (see "hidden agenda on healthcare, Stephen Harper")

and in the event of a Conservative victory, people should brace themselves for more compromise and slow progress regarding defence issues. Not the massive turnaround they are trumpeting.
Who is trumpeting?  AFAIK, their policy is something along the lines of "invest in the military and provide quality equipment"

In fact I will vote Conservative in the next election,
Good!

because I am clinging to the last vestiges of hope that they can clean up the government and make it more efficient.
Then why post "if you vote for the Conservatives and they fail to meet your expectations, you'll be disappointed"?
 
I'm still commenting on the comment â “ my own critique will come later.  Here is another comment from today's Globe and Mail at: http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20050421.wxcoforn21/BNStory/specialComment/

I agree only with the main thrust â “ highlighted, not the details, but:

Our hearts are bigger than this
Paul Martin should make poverty reduction the cornerstone of our foreign policy

By GERRY BARR
Thursday, April 21, 2005 Updated at 8:43 AM EST
From Thursday's Globe and Mail

In the 20 minutes it took for Prime Minister Paul Martin to deliver his International Policy Statement this week, more than 400 children died from preventable causes related to poverty. In his speech, Mr. Martin said he wants to ''close the gap between rich and poor nations.'' He should start by making poverty reduction the cornerstone of our foreign policy.

In 1970, 22 of the world's wealthiest countries, including Canada, each pledged to spend 0.7 per cent of their gross national income on international assistance. Canada and other industrialized countries renewed their commitment in September, 2000, at the United Nations to meet this goal by 2015.

Five countries have kept their 0.7-per-cent promise, and another six have solid plans for reaching the 2015 target. Canada isn't among them. Although we have one of the most robust economies in the industrialized world, our commitment stands at a paltry 0.3 per cent. While Mr. Martin's new plan vaguely promises to increase this amount, under current budget projections, we will not reach 0.7 per cent before 2027, well behind France, Germany, the United Kingdom and many other countries.

Meeting our international commitments, especially on international assistance, should have been the starting point for the government's redefining of our global role. It will be hard for Canada to "punch above its weight" around the world if we are not even meeting the fair-share minimums as defined by the United Nations. In fact, several UN reports, including the most recent report of the UN Secretary-General, recommend the 0.7 per cent should be viewed as a reflection of a country's willingness to follow through on its international responsibilities (that report suggests progress on the aid commitment be a factor in evaluating a country's candidacy to be a member of the UN Security Council).

For both taxpayers and aid recipients alike, we must also ensure that aid spending is accountable and transparent. In this regard, Mr. Martin missed a golden opportunity to introduce a legal requirement that poverty reduction be the guiding objective of all aid spending. In a rare show of multiparty unity, such a measure was agreed to by all opposition parties in a letter in February to the Prime Minister. With the absence of this commonsense (and cost-free) initiative from the new policy statement, the Liberals are now the only party who have yet to support it.

Of course, making poverty a priority goes beyond aid. International trade rules must be reformed to allow developing countries greater control and flexibility in defining their development. On this, Mr. Martin's statement comes up short: It identifies the need for a level playing field and fairer agricultural trade practices, but adheres with unjustified certainty to the idea that more liberalized trade is the best path for all countries.

The new statement contains much that is positive. Military spending will include a focus on building our capacity to support international peace operations. Canada has pledged to support key UN reforms -- the UN Human Rights Commission for example -- and to support the principle of Responsibility to Protect civilian populations in the world's crisis zones. The paper accepts the need for coherence between aid and non-aid policies, and that trade arrangements and debt relief have huge consequences for developing-country economies.

But, while the plan contains some important principles and mechanisms, the failure to plainly commit to the internationally accepted target of 0.7 per cent and launch a legal framework that devotes aid spending to the reduction of global poverty are key shortcomings.

This year, after the Asian tsunamis, Mr. Martin vowed: "The number of people who live on a dollar a day in this world is just unacceptable and . . . I am not going to leave that to my children and my grandchildren, nor to yours."

Too bad the International Policy Statement fails to live up to this promise.

Gerry Barr is president and CEO of the Canadian Council for International Co-operation, a coalition to end global poverty.

I made some concrete proposals re: aid in a PDF document down below, in Politics, at:  http://forums.army.ca/forums/threads/17947/post-182791.html#msg182791

Aid falls into one of two categories, both valid and valuable uses of our, taxpayers' money:

1. Bribes for, very often, leaders of corrupt kleptocracies.  We get something â “ usually political support â “ in exchange for our bribes; it is, sometimes, often enough, money well spent; and

2. Do-gooding which is, all too often, especially when CIDA is involved, wasted effort.  There are good, efficient and effective do gooders out there, in the private sector, amongst the NGOs.  The overpaid, desk-bound, bureaucratic do-gooders in CIDA are, broadly and generally, inept.

I believe we should over a brief period, increase our aid budget by 0.005% of GDP (about $50 million this year), year after year after year until it reaches 0.0755 of GDP before, say, 2015.

I believe that aid should be split about 50/50: direct, government-to-government, and indirect, Canadian NGOs to projects and people in need.  We should cut off the worst-of-the-worst in terms of corruption and human rights abuses â “ in others words precious little government-to-government aid to the poor, starving, AIDS ridden African regimes.  The people in those poor starving countries may, indeed should get non-governmental aid from the NGOs, etc.

We should, in other words, buy the support we want and need and help the poor, we should just be honest about it.
 
Here is an excellent article by Prof. David Bercuson (U Calgary) in today's National Post.

Our military needs two masters

David J. Bercuson
National Post
April 22, 2005

If the Defence Policy Statement released by the government on Tuesday is implemented, it will go a long way toward improving the fighting capabilities of the Canadian Forces (CF). The government aims to double the number of deployable Canadian troops, build the CF's special operations capacity and create a more efficient command structure. But it will not alter a central problem plaguing our military: the flawed political relationship that ties the CF to the government.

When Ottawa sends the Canadian military to East Timor, or Afghanistan or Sudan, the military is sanctioned to kill to achieve its objectives. The new defence paper explains this with a candour that is refreshing by Canadian standards: "Our country must possess the hard military assets necessary to achieve our foreign policy goals. This includes using lethal force when necessary." It is precisely because the military has the power to kill that a civil society such as Canada must place significant political controls on its deployment and operations. Our government must ensure that the sword must be kept sharp and is never drawn arbitrarily.

But that principle is compromised by the political arrangements now in place: It is not Parliament that controls the military, but the Prime Minister's Office.

Canada's military is commanded by the Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS). The CDS is responsible only to the Minister of National Defence, and so tends to act more like a deputy minister than a commander. The Minister, in turn, answers only to the Prime Minister. Although Parliament is supposed to represent the democratic will of Canadians, and is charged with raising the funds that pay for everything the military does, its only means of influencing the military is indirectly via the Cabinet. There is no institutional connection that connects the CDS directly to Parliament.

Things are different in other countries. In the United States, for instance, the President is the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. military. But none of the President's commands can be carried out unless Congress authorizes payment. Ultimately, the U.S. military answers to both President and Congress.

It is Congress, for example, that decides how many ships the Navy will have, or when it will replace ships, how much heavy lift capability the Air Force will acquire, or when members of the American military will get a pay raise.

In short, the American constitutional system of checks and balances provides some guarantee that the U.S. government will treat its soldiers properly. In return for the unlimited liability that the American soldier undertakes to his or her government, he gains assurance that the legislative branch will act as a check to the capriciousness of the executive.

There are no such checks or balances here. In Canada, a prime minister such as Jean Chretien can -- with the stroke of a pen, as he showed following the 1993 election -- delay the acquisition of major military assets such as maritime helicopters, or submarines, or anything else the Canadian Forces might need. There is no recourse when such arbitrary decisions are made, no matter the dangers to our military personnel.

The case of Canada's four "nearly new" submarines -- including HMCS Chicoutimi, which was struck by a fatal accident last year -- is a case in point. The House of Commons Standing Committee on National Defence and Veterans' Affairs (SCONDVA) reported on Monday that the interminable politically motivated delays in the actual acquisition of those vessels -- delays that were ultimately rooted in the Prime Minister's Office -- greatly complicated the job of restoring them for sea duty. If there were some institutional check on the Prime Minister's power, the best interests of the military might have prevailed, the delays might have been avoided, the subs not left to rot in sea water for five years, and the lives of our sailors not put at greater risk.

This week's Defence Policy Statement offered a chance to prevent such dangerous mistakes in the future by reinventing the way our military is politically controlled. It is a pity the opportunity was wasted.

David Bercuson is the director of the Centre for Military and Strategic Studies at the University of Calgary and vice-president of the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute.
© National Post 2005

Prof. Bercuson, unlike Paul Martin and Bill Graham (and most admirals and generals) is an expert in defence policy.

Elsewhere there are discussions about defence procurement and one contributor suggests looking at the Australian model which is a separate arm of the Defence Department today but which will, in 70 days, become an arms length organization - see: http://www.defence.gov.au/dmo/index.cfm  This will help the Australians to add some market discipline (the very best kind) to procurement decisions so that they will have a cycle: advice from the admirals and experts, policy by the politicians, plans by the bureaucrats, requirements from the generals, resources from the politicians and hardware, finally, from the arms length, apolitical procurers.

It would be hard to duplicate the American executive/legislative split in our Westminster style parliament - without surrendering many important features of responsible (rather than American representative) government.  Some reforms - including establishing a separate, arms length, procurement agency and strengthening the PCO's foreign/defence/security/intelligence staff at the expense of the power of the PMO.
 
paracowboy said:
The rest of the CF's problems aside, this light force would be a positive step to our future.
It certainly would, IF we had something to build on. It seems to me that we're trying to build a third story onto a house where the foundation is falling apart. Basement don't stay up, the whole house comes down.
I think the Defence Policy is addressing the "basement" as well as the "third floor."
 
I do agree with some of Paracowboy's sentiments.  While it is interesting to see what General Hillier is pushing through some high-profile expeditionary capabilities, there are some basics that I would like to see addressed, such as:

- Real issues in the overall fitness of our Army (both in Physical fitness and mental preparedness):  We have uniforms made in obscene sizes and soldiers complaining about 16 hour work days - we need to increase the intensity of training across the board to remedy this, is this being addressed?

- A Reserve system that is outdated and inefficient.  We need to decide what we are going to do with the Army Reserves and sort out ways to stabilize manning and raise standards (ie: no sunny-day soldiers).

- Flimsy training budgets: An LPD is nice, but will we have soldiers barreling out of them who have only been to the range once or twice a year?  Many soldiers from 3 PPCLI commented on the excellent training opportunity with the USMC and lament that we do not have the same training here.  Are we going to address this, or are all the eggs being put into a CMTC basket?

Just a few issues we've been discussing in the last little while that immediately come to mind - we could probably identify a few more real quickly.  No point shining up the tip of the spear if the shaft is brittle and weak.

Infanteer
 
I think the Defence Policy is addressing the "basement" as well as the "third floor."
I think we're talkin' a good game. It sounds great. Looks groovy on paper. But I don't think they've truly grasped the realities of the situation. They're trying to create new units before they repair the problems already here. The money that's promised us isn't even sufficient to address the current shortfalls. And we still ahve that "Peacekeeper" albatross hanging around our neck.
I'm hoping, desperately, things are going to work, but I've been kicked in the sack too often. We're relying on the promise of people who have no honour and who have lied to us constantly in the past. We have some fresh blood trying to make changes, but they're going to have to try to bring about this change with the same mandarins who have played the part of boot-lick for too long still clogging up the artieries. That's a LOT of inertia to overcome.
I pray things are going to get better. I'm willing to do my part. But...

Maybe I'm just too cynical and jaded. But I grow more and more so every time this happens. I get my hopes up, then I get a boot in the teeth. Kiwi polish doesn't taste very good, and it's hell to floss away. It feels, too often, that Canadians simply don't care about us or their Law Enforcement personnel. Do you think a sheepdog ever gets tired of his flock turning on him?
 
Not sure what to make of the Conservative take on this:
Fate of Defence overhaul uncertain under Tories
But Conservative MPs suggest Harper government would likely spend even more

a journalist
Ottawa
Canwest News Services
(Printed in the Edmonton Journal)
Monday, 25 Apr 05


Canada's top soldier is being optimistic if he thinks his ambitious plan for the military will survive under a Conservative government, says the party's defence critic.  â Å“We might support some (of the plan) and we might not,â ? said Conservative MP Gordon O'Connor, a retired general.  â Å“I can tell one thing â “ it will not remain unchanged.  If we take power there will be changes.â ?

But even some Conservatives are acknowledging that the blueprint laid out by Gen Rick Hillier, Chief of the Defence Staff, closely resembles their own views on the future military and, if anything, a future Conservative government would likely spend more on the Canadian Forces.

Hillier said he is confident his blueprint to modernize the military over the next five years will survive whatever the outcome of an anticipated federal election.  He said the plan to increase troop strength, buy an amphibious assault ship and new helicopters, as well as create a single command to conduct missions in Canada, is the logical way to proceed.  â Å“Of course, there would be hiccups of how fast you could proceed in an election period, potentially,â ? said Hillier when the blueprint was released on Apr 19.  â Å“But we believe the logic is sound and no matter what occurs we can start implementing this transformation.â ?

Prime Minister Paul Martin has proposed holding a federal election shartly after the Gomery  inquiry issues its report, likely in the fall.  The Conservatives, however, could be in a position to topple the government and force an election by early May. 

There has been grumbling in the Conservative ranks that Hillier's plan copied major parts of the party's Defence platform and then put a Liberal government stamp on it.  The Conservatives are particularly angry that during last year's election, the Liberals ridiculed them for some of the same policies Martin's government has now adopted as its own.  At the same time, some Conservative MPs have privately voiced concern that Hillier is becoming too closely aligned with the Liberal party.

O'Connor said Hillier's plan is unworkable and indicated a Conservative government would proceed at a slower pace. To follow the Liberal Defence plan would involve spending billions of dollars extra a year to buy new equipment and recruit personnel, he said.  â Å“The (Defence) department is not set up to process this much activity,â ? O'Connor said.  â Å“We don't only need a military transformation we need a departmental transformation.â ?

O'Connor said the funding put aside by the Liberals won't finance the government's Defence policy statement.  The Liberals say they're committed to spending $12.8 billion in new money on the military, but the Conservatives maintain the Martin government has only committed $7 billion.

Defence analyst Richard Gimblett said he believes Hillier's plan is ambitious but said it's an effective way to transform the Canadian Forces for the future.  He said he hopes the Tories ultimately support the blueprint.  â Å“The Conservatives could suck a lemon and tell themselves it really is their policy,â ? said Gimblett, an analyst with Dalhousie University's Centre for Foreign Policy Studies in Halifax.
 
That's interesting... wonder what will happen to Hillier if the Conservatives take over? 
 
I wouldn't worry about the conservatives, if anything they will give us more.  I certainly hope that the scare tactics that the liberals will throw at us during the next election don't suck too many people
 
Well if they will give us more then lets hope they win the up coming election.
 
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