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The 2008 Canadian Election- Merged Thread

Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail, is an article that expands a bit upon the one GAP posted earlier today:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081010.welectionpoll11/BNStory/politics/home
Tories' lead picking up steam

BRIAN LAGHI

Globe and Mail Update
October 10, 2008 at 9:00 PM EDT

The federal Tories will enter the final weekend of the federal election campaign with a solidified lead and a bounce from vote-rich Ontario, but still needing last-minute votes if they are to cobble together their much-sought after majority.

A wide-ranging poll of Ontario voters by The Strategic Counsel for The Globe and Mail/CTV News finds the Tories enjoying a five-point lead over the Liberals in the province, erasing a five-point disadvantage from the 2006 campaign. But the increase still wouldn't provide the Tories with the seats needed to reach a majority. Conservative Stephen Harper will either have to find more seats outside Ontario or convince even more of its residents to vote for his party over Thanksgiving dinner.

The Ontario survey of 1,060 voters shows the Tories at 37 per cent support, a two-per-cent hike over 2006. The Liberals are supported by 32 per cent – a drop of eight percentage points from the last election - while the NDP is backed by 20 per cent – the same as last time. The Green Party is up six per cent to 11 per cent, although its supporters are softer than those of the other parties and have previously moved away from the party come election day.

“The big story is the loss of Liberal support,” said Tim Woolstencroft, Strategic Counsel managing partner. Mr. Woolstencroft added that the Conservatives have begun to earn support of groups that haven't traditionally supported them, such as visible minorities and women.

“It's probably one of the more interesting findings.”

When put through a seat model, the Tories could gain up to 10 seats and the NDP seven. The Liberals would lose 17 seats.

Mr. Woolstencroft said the gains would not be enough on their own for the Tories to gain a majority, particularly given what appears to be a Tory drop-off in the province of Quebec.

The Tories' Ontario results were buttressed Friday by a new national survey which shows the Tories have staunched the bleeding from earlier this week. According to the polling firm Harris/Decima, the Tories enter the weekend with 34 per cent support, compared to 26 per cent for the Liberals and 18 per cent for the NDP. The gap between the two front-running parties had narrowed to about four per cent earlier this week.

In the Ontario poll, the Liberals continue to lead by a solid margin in Toronto – 39 to 29 over the Conservatives – but are down from their 2006 election number of 51 per cent.

The Tories have made their biggest gains in southeastern Ontario, where they are up by seven percentage points. The Tories also appear ready to make gains in the 905 area code just outside of Toronto.

But it is really the Liberal losses that appear to be helping the Tories.

For example, while the Tories are only one point up in the region of south central Ontario from the last election, the Liberals have dropped 11 points from the last election. The change has turned a five point Liberal lead in 2006 to a seven point Tory lead today.

The poll also found that the Liberals have dropped 11 percentage points within ridings that they won in 2006, while the Tories have jumped two points in Conservative-held ridings. The NDP is strong in its home ridings.

The best opportunity for the Liberals in Ontario appears to be the softness of some of the NDP/Green vote. A total of 44 per cent of Green voters say they are likely or somewhat likely to switch their votes, while 30 per cent of Liberals and New Democrats say the same thing.

Of NDP voters, 40 per cent rate the Liberals as their second choice. Among Greens, 35 per cent pick the NDP as their number two, with 27 per cent mark the Liberals as a second preference.

Mr. Woolstencroft said many Canadians will probably spend Thanksgiving thinking hard about who to vote for.

Tories are hoping that, despite their problems earlier this week, Canadians will ultimately conclude that Mr. Harper is best-positioned to deal with the difficulties facing the Canadian economy.

One of the poll's most interesting findings is the Tory performance among visible minorities. Pollsters found that 36 per cent of visible minorities polled would vote Tory, compared to 38 per cent who vote Liberal.

“That explains why they might do well in 905,” said Greg Lyle a pollster with Innovative Research Group Inc. Mr. Lyle said the Tories may have attracted visible minority groups by arguing that they would help the pocketbooks of lower-income Canadians, many of whom are visible minorities.

Mr. Lyle said that, typically, the Liberals have enjoyed a three-to-one lead among visible minority groups.

The poll was conducted between Oct. 7th-9th and is accurate to within plus or minus 3.1 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

Meanwhile, a survey of 45 key battleground ridings in Ontario, British Columbia and Quebec shows the Tories have recovered somewhat from a difficult week. In the 20 Ontario battlegrounds the Tories are tracking at exactly the same as their 2006 figure of 37 per cent. That is, however, an improvement of two points from two days ago. In Quebec's 15 ridings, the party is down a point from its 23 per cent of 2006 , but has moved upward somewhat from earlier this week. Similar trends have appeared in the 10 British Columbia battleground ridings.

The 45 ridings being polled are the tightest races in those three provinces from 2006.

Harper has two real working days – today and tomorrow – to convince a great many Canadians to decide, over their Thanksgiving dinners, to vote Conservative – if he really wants that majority.

 
Another day, another poll, this time reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s National Post:

http://www.nationalpost.com/news/canada/election-2008/story.html?id=873860
Tory minority seems likely, latest poll shows

Norma Greenaway, Canwest News Service

Published: Friday, October 10, 2008

OTTAWA -- The federal election campaign is coming down to a possible photo finish as the ruling Conservative party's lead over the Liberals is narrowing in the face of voter volatility spurred by the U.S.-born global financial crisis, according to the results of a sweeping new Ipsos-Reid poll.

The poll, conducted exclusively for Canwest News Service and Global National, said Conservative support was at 34 per cent, compared to 29 per cent for the Liberals, 18 per cent for the New Democratic Party, nine per cent for the Bloc Quebecois and eight per cent for the Greens.

Darrell Bricker, president of Ipsos Reid, said the political landscape is so unsettled going into the final weekend of the campaign that the only thing he will confidently predict is that Prime Minister Stephen Harper will not win a majority of the 308 seats in the Commons in Tuesday's election.

Instead, Mr. Bricker predicts a minority Conservative government, but not, he says, with total confidence, given the unpredictable reaction among voters to the "economic tsunami."

Mr. Bricker also said that based on what happened in the last two elections -- when significant numbers of NDP supporters voted Liberal to block Harper -- he does not rule out significant shifts before Canadians vote. He suggested the NDP vote might hold firmer this time, however, because there is not the fear of a Harper majority hanging over their decision.

The poll involved telephone interviews Tuesday through Thursday with 2,000 adults, double the size of the firm's normal surveys for Canwest and Global, as well as a major on-line surveys designed to collect voter attitudes on everything from whether the country is headed into recession to their take on the political parties' plans for dealing with the global economic crisis.

Mr. Bricker said the findings point to a sense of "impending doom" among Canadians, and that Mr. Harper has not persuaded or reassured a significant portion of the population that he has a plan to deal with the impact of the global economic crisis.

The poll, taken before the government announced a $25-billion plan designed to ease credit in the banking system, said only 30 per cent of those surveyed said they thought the Tories have a plan. Stephane Dion's Liberals did not fare much better, with only 28 per cent saying they think the Grits have a plan. The poll also said the two leaders' favourable numbers were buried by their negative ratings.

Forty-four per cent of those surveyed also said their impression of Mr. Harper had worsened over the last couple of days, compared with 12 per cent who said their impression improved. For Mr. Dion, 30 per cent said their impression had worsened, compared to 22 per cent who said their impression of the Liberal leader had improved.

Jack Layton and the NDP are the only contenders that appear to have any positive momentum going, Mr. Bricker said, noting that 29 per cent of those surveyed said their impression had improved in the last week, compared to only 17 per cent who said it had worsened. Green Leader Elizabeth May also enjoyed positive reviews, even though it is still a stretch to think the part can win a seat in the Commons.

"The Conservatives appear to have miscalculated the degree of raw political emotion unfolding across the land," Mr. Bricker said.

He cited Ontario, a province that is key to Harper's hopes of strengthening his mandate, as a problem for the Conservatives. The party has lost eight points in the last week, dropping to 32 per cent from 40, at the same time as the Liberals surged 14 points to 40 per cent.

Mr. Bricker blamed the Conservative drop on economic worries. The on-line survey said one in four people said they feared losing their jobs, a number not witnessed since the last recession in the early 1990s. It also said 76 per cent, the highest proportion in the country, say they expect a recession.

In the Greater Toronto Area, the Liberals hold a commanding lead over the Tories at 46 per cent to 25 per cent, with the NDP close behind at 20 per cent. Outside the Greater Toronto area, the Conservatives and Tories are neck in neck.

Within Quebec, the Bloc Quebecois has dipped two points to 38 per cent, but still holds a commanding lead over the Liberals at 23 per cent and the Conservatives at 22 per cent. The Bloc has the lead in and outside Greater Montreal. The Liberals have the lead over the Conservatives in Greater Montreal, while the Tories are running well ahead of the Grits in non-urban Quebec.

British Columbia is the other big battleground province, and the Conservatives at 39 per cent continued to enjoy a solid lead over the NDP at 25 per cent and Liberals, who were up three points to 24 per cent.

Greater Vancouver is a three-way fight, with the Tories at 35 per cent, the Liberals at 29 per cent and the NDP at 26 per cent.

Across the prairies, the Conservatives are well ahead of their rivals, whereas in Atlantic Canada the Tories and Liberals are in a dead heat at 34 per cent. The NDP is not far off at 26 per cent, up five points from the last survey. The Green party is down six points to three per cent.

The telephone survey on party popularity is considered accurate within 2.2 percentage points, 19 times out of 20. The margin of error is higher in the regions, ranging from 4.4 points in British Columbia, Ontario and Quebec to 9.8 in Atlantic Canada, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. The spread for the cities is 6.1 points in Greater Montreal and 6.7 points in Greater Toronto.

The on-line survey is based on 30,022 competed forms, and is considered accurate within 0.5 points, 19 times out of 20.

It appears that Harper’s empathy problem is worth 2 or 3 points, nationally.

 
Here, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s National Post is Don Martin’s take on the Conservative campaign:

http://www.nationalpost.com/news/story.html?id=874165
Once invincible Tories fail to take stock
How a rout became a bout

Don Martin, National Post

Published: Saturday, October 11, 2008

Going into the campaign, three words were guaranteed to crack up anyone on Stephen Harper's campaign bus: "Prime Minister Dion." Or, if you wanted to unleash a real knee-slapper: "Liberal transition team."

Put into a seasonal context, Conservatives expected this election to be a 36-day Liberal turkey shoot culminating in the day-after-Thanksgiving electoral carving of its leader, Stephane Dion.

After all, they couldn't lose. The only suspense was the size of the win as a stronger minority or the much-craved majority government.

But this crazy, gaffe-prone market meltdown of a campaign has one wondering which leader's neck is on the block after the cumulative impact of a dozen Conservatives missteps forced Mr. Harper to sound the alarm this week against the possibility Mr. Dion could be his replacement.

It's rare and frankly incredible to be on the eve of an election and have so many outcomes -- bookended by the unlikely Conservative majority and improbable Liberal minority result -- still in feasible play. There were no
defining turning-against-Harper moments, and aside from occasional comments that became one-day backfires, his campaign performance has been solid, his promises a prudent fit with bad times.

About the only explanation for the creaking and crashing of his once-invincible war machine is the pummelling Canadians are taking in their stock portfolios, something the Prime Minister is powerless to prevent.

That's why the first hint of grave danger to a Conservative campaign, which had planned for almost every other contingency, hit just as the Prime Minister was visiting the Governor-General to force the election a year ahead of his fixed date.

Word landed during his coffee chat that U. S. government-sponsored mortgage agencies Fannie Mae and Freddie Machad been placed under the control of the U. S. Treasury.

Unfortunately, those subprime mortgage casualties were merely the distant sound of troubling waves hitting the outer breakers.

The campaign trail eventually became bogged down by bad news as global bank bailouts were unleashed, the market crashed, the dollar collapsed and oil prices fell down a deep well. This campaign would clearly not follow any made-in-Canada script. But the Conservatives didn't panic. Their leader's numbers towered over the rivals as the best economic manager for ugly times. All they had to do was to try to give him a more human face and stick to the platform.

Perhaps that natural aloofness became a vote-swaying issue, but to vote against a leader for not cooing with investor sympathy after 32 months of solid government is a hard-to-believe explanation for the precipitous downturn in the polls.

The groundwork done by the Conservatives was unlike anything seen since the Jean Chretien glory years, all of it a single-minded fixation on winning big in this election.

They invested heavily in ethnic outreach and apologized profusely to offended minorities. They gave a dignified resolution to the native residential school tragedy. The conquest of Quebec, granted "nation" status by the Conservative government, was merely an electoral formality.

In the pivotal Quebec battleground, they were up against Bloc Quebecois leader Gilles Duceppe whose party had lost a compelling reason to exist.

They were up against a Liberal leader who launched his unprepared campaign without a plane and was already widely seen as a one-election loser inside his party. The bonus was having economic turmoil at the precise moment the Liberals were standing on a carbon tax platform that had everything but a trap door and noose to reflect voter reaction.

And if that wasn't enough, a surprisingly resilient New Democrat Party seemed ready to split the left-leaning vote and hand the Conservatives default victories with only a 35% share of the ballot in some ridings. For the Conservatives launching a campaign with overflowing coffers, a war room that had been on standby for years and a decent record of achievement, this wasn't supposed to be a fair fight.

Yet a culture of self-defeat seems to helix inside Stephen Harper's DNA. He tripped himself up late in the 2004 and 2006 campaigns with comments that sent voters scurrying back to the Liberals. Since the man learns from his mistakes, though, it seemed there would never be a threepeat.

But there it was. Small things became such big news that started the polls sliding. He elevated an arts funding reallocation into a cultural battle against snobbery and galas. An exuberant Conservative backroom straddled the lines of good taste several times and put the most unlikely phrase of "puffin poop" into the headlines. A youth crime crackdown became an unsettling image of life sentences for adolescents in Quebec. There were plagiarism allegations in an old Harper foreign affairs speech, a callous-sounding reference to the market crash as having decent "buy" possibilities in a scrum and the unfortunate pile-on of the hapless Mr. Dion in an interview this week.

Perhaps the outtake humiliation of Stephane Dion was the perfect wrap-up metaphor for this bizarre campaign.

That Mr. Dion sputtered with incomprehension at a repeated media question on his economic plan speaks to the ongoing concern that the Liberal leader couldn't handle the pressure or the language challenges of a federal election campaign.

The reaction by Mr. Harper, staging an evening scrum to insist that national leadership doesn't allow for a do-over and thus rendered Mr. Dion unfit to lead, proves the Conservative leader was correct in predicting a nasty campaign and raised concerns of a mean heart beating inside his sweater vest.

And the fact the controversy raged over which leader has the better plan -- or any plan -- to protect the economy reflects the sad reality there's little a government can do to buffer Canada from a global financial crisis.

Monday ends a Conservative campaign that had two years to prepare backed by a government record that gave critics precious little ammunition to target them as ideology-driven.

If the polls accurately foreshadow Tuesday's results, Quebec is a write-off for new seats and that ends the dream of a majority, despite Mr. Harper having wagered enormous personal and political capital in wowing an ungrateful province. He faces little prospect of gains in Ontario, likely losses in Newfoundland and a lot of uncertainty in British Columbia.

People sitting down for their family dinners this holiday weekend have plenty more to chew on than potatoes and pumpkin pie.

They have to decide which of the two leaders will live to fight another election -- and which will be the turkey.


Yet another credible observer says that Harper's personality, the lack of empathy thing again - what Martin alls his "natural aloofness," is going to cost him votes.

Martin’s overall assessment, ”Quebec is a write-off for new seats ... little prospect of gains in Ontario, likely losses in Newfoundland and a lot of uncertainty in British Columbia,” seems, to me, a little out of synch with the polls, but we’ll all know Tuesday night, wont we?

 
What I find most useful about ongoing events is that the government is executing reasonable, perhaps even inspired, plans to deal with the credit crunch while in the final stages of an election.  It is dealing with a crisis and election at the same time with no sign of panic (unlike some nations).  When the $25B mortgage purchase plan was announced, I read one response from Dion that amounted to a snide whine rather than admitting the idea was a good one.  The responsible and calm government is the one I want on Oct 15.

AIUI - and I am interested in doing so properly, so would appreciate corrections/clarifications from anyone who understands it better:

1) One of the key factors in the current economic mess is that those who have money to lend are reluctant to lend/spend it today in case they need the money if someone calls in an obligation tomorrow.  (Shades of 1930's.)  The inability to borrow is what is crashing some institutions - they can't borrow to cover emergent obligations.

2) Mortgages are receivable assets on a bank's books, but can't be called in on short notice.  The principal and earnings (interest) are expected to trickle back in over a long time.  All the capital the banks have tied up in mortgages is money they can't access quickly, and therefore can't lend out - unless they sell the mortgages to someone else.  But, again, who is willing to tie up their own cash-on-hand in mortgages right now?

3) The government is using the CMHC to buy CMHC-backed (insured) mortgages.  Example: if you take out a mortgage and your down payment on the property is insufficiently large, you will be required to buy a policy with CMHC.  The bank's capital (your mortgage) is protected; the CMHC is the backer; you get the money you need.  In effect, the CMHC (federal government) is already exposed to any of these mortgages which might default.  Buying these mortgages amounts to being in the mortgage business and self-insuring (which is the same as a bank granting a mortgage with no other security than the property itself).

4) So the CMHC get mortgages (receivable assets) in exchange for cash.  The banks are able to convert nearly immovable assets into movable ones (cash, and whatever financial instruments they obtain with the cash), which effectively injects the money into the general credit pool, thereby mitigating the problem described at (1) - the illiquidity of mortgages in the general market is overcome.  The federal government, which has the deepest pockets around and is effectively the single agent no-one expects to default on obligations except in the most horrible and unimaginable crises, is the lender of last resort.  The federal government will over the long term realize a profit (interest on mortgages) unless the mortgages it bought really tank.  But, again, the government is already exposed to that risk for these particular mortgages.

5) The interesting question remains: from where does the $25B come?  The feds didn't have a $25B contingency pool lying around, nor a massive projected financial surplus.  From what the reports stated, it is done in the usual way: issue federal bonds, or convert other assets.  If the interest the government will have to pay out to the bond holders etc is less than the gains realized from the mortgage, the federal government profits.

6) But, referring back to (1), who had money available to lend to the federal government?  I assume the answer to this is: everyone.  The money is out there, but people and institutions are reluctant to commit it and uninterested in buying illiquid assets.  The answer - I suppose - is that a federal government bond is easily tradable/salable, and doesn't represent much of a step down from plain cash.  Even the banks selling mortgages to the CMHC might have elected to buy the federal government's debt instruments.

I am not sure whether the profit gains are really significant, but even a break-even or (very) small loss is more acceptable than the current locked-up situation.  But, emphatically, this is not a bailout: a bailout would be something for nothing, or very little.
 
Well said, Brad. Not to detract from any of your writings, but the transaction an be boiled down to a single idea:

By buying up these mortgages, the government has invested in the average Canadian home owner.
 
I am not a financial expert, but it seems to me that the government (CMHC) pays the banks far less than they would receive over the long haul. This provides an 'immediate' injection of cash to the banks, which allows them to start to generate new income, and gives the new holder a long term steady flow of cash into the coffers.
 
Brad Sallows said:
What I find most useful about ongoing events is that the government is executing reasonable, perhaps even inspired, plans to deal with the credit crunch while in the final stages of an election.  It is dealing with a crisis and election at the same time with no sign of panic (unlike some nations).  When the $25B mortgage purchase plan was announced, I read one response from Dion that amounted to a snide whine rather than admitting the idea was a good one.  The responsible and calm government is the one I want on Oct 15.

AIUI - and I am interested in doing so properly, so would appreciate corrections/clarifications from anyone who understands it better:

...

5) The interesting question remains: from where does the $25B come?  The feds didn't have a $25B contingency pool lying around, nor a massive projected financial surplus.  From what the reports stated, it is done in the usual way: issue federal bonds, or convert other assets.  If the interest the government will have to pay out to the bond holders etc is less than the gains realized from the mortgage, the federal government profits.
...


According to this report ”Ottawa plans to sell a combination of government bonds and other public debt instruments to raise the $25 billion. Then CMHC will ask the banks and other financial institutions to ascertain how much debt they would like to sell to the agency, using a process known as a reverse auction.”
 
From Reply # 828:


$25B credit backstop for banks 'not a bailout': Harper

"We are not going in and buying bad assets. What we're doing is simply exchanging assets that we already hold the insurance on and the reason we're doing this is to get out in front. The issue here is not protecting the banks."

Earlier in the day, Finance Minister Jim Flaherty announced the government's plan to buy the securities through the Canada Housing and Mortgage Corp. and provide much-needed cash to financial institutions that sell the so-called "National Housing Act mortgage-backed securities."

Under the proposal, Ottawa plans to sell a combination of government bonds and other public debt instruments to raise the $25 billion.Then CMHC will ask the banks and other financial institutions to ascertain how much debt they would like to sell to the agency, using a process known as a reverse auction.

Conceptually speaking, the financial companies will offer CMHC the debt at a discount to its face value. Starting with the bids containing the largest discounts, the housing corporation will buy these instruments from the financial institutions until the agency uses up the $25 billion.

This way, Ottawa injects money into a cash-strapped market. In return, the government gets a series of securities with a rate of return well in excess of the rate Ottawa would pay on the $25 billion it borrows in the first place.
 
Thanks for that, George, my tired old eyes are failing.

Any other useful information to impart?

 
Two views on spending over he next wee while, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from today’s Globe and Mail web site:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081011.welxndion1011/BNStory/politics/home
Economic crisis could slow Liberal agenda, Dion says

JANE TABER

Globe and Mail Update
October 11, 2008 at 4:30 PM EDT

ORILLIA , ONT. — Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion says the global economic crisis could slow implementation of his party's promises if he's elected prime minister on Tuesday.

In an interview with Global TV, he said that the downturn in the economy could force him to slow down the “pace of investment we wanted to make in the first two years.”

He was careful to say, and he repeated this to reporters later in a scrum, that the Green Shift plan would not be affected.

Rather, he would look at slowing down his commitments on child care, a catastrophic drug program and getting more doctors.

“If we don't have the room to act the first and second year, we'll do more the third and fourth year,” he said.

“The important thing for us [is that] at the fourth year of our plan we have child care, we have more doctors and nurses, we have everything.

“So the pace by which we'll deliver our plan may be changed because of the economic difficulties.”

At whistle stop in Guelph, Ont., Conservative Leader Stephen Harper attacked Mr. Dion for saying he'd delay parts of his platform.

“Today, Mr. Dion said he may not actually do anything he promised in his platform – not health care, not child care, not anything else for years. But he is going to do the carbon tax now, no matter what," the Conservative Leader told supporters.

"That's why, friends, we have to stop him."

However the Conservative Leader himself on Saturday said parts of his platform promises could be delayed if a weak economy constricts coffers.

“We've given ourselves lots of flexibility in terms of how we phase them [in] and in terms of what we advance at what time given the various economic challenges and circumstances.”

On Saturday, Mr. Dion also accused Stephen Harper of trying to hide his involvement in the Chuck Cadman affair before voters go to the polls Tuesday.

“How low this man is willing to go to protect his reputation and to hide the facts before an election?” the Liberal leader said at a campaign stop in Orillia, Ont.

“He cannot be silent any more. He needs to explain why he was trying to tarnish the reputation of a reporter. Why he was trying to do that in order to protect his own reputation?” said Mr. Dion.

Mr. Dion was responding for the first time to the revelation that Mr. Harper's own audio expert has reported that a tape recording at the centre of Mr. Harper's $3.5-million defamation suit against the Liberal party was not altered as Mr. Harper has claimed.

Mr. Harper sued the Liberals in the midst of a raging controversy earlier this year over claims in a book by B.C. author Tom Zytaruk that the Conservatives offered the late Independent MP Chuck Cadman a $1-million life insurance policy in return for help defeating the minority Liberal government in 2005.

Mr. Dion says that this raises all sorts of other questions as to what else Mr. Harper is hiding about the war in Afghanistan or the country's finances.

He called Mr. Harper the “most secretive” prime minister in history.

During the campaign stop at a farmer's market, Mr. Dion told the crowd of partisan Liberals and local shoppers that Mr. Harper muzzles his MPs, something he would never do.

And as he has for the past few days he accused Mr. Harper of calling the election campaign on a “lie” that a Liberal government would raise taxes.

“Stephen Harper is building his campaign on a lie. He will lose on a lie,” said Mr. Dion, who has vowed to cut taxes through his Green Shift environmental plan.

With a report from Steven Chase and Canadian Press


http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081011.wharper1011/BNStory/politics/home
Harper calls possibility of spending cuts a ‘ridiculous' scenario

STEVEN CHASE

Globe and Mail Update
October 11, 2008 at 4:52 PM EDT

LONDON, Ont. — Stephen Harper, who's vowed to avoid a deficit in any circumstances – without raising taxes – says he considers questions about how he'd therefore cut spending to avoid going into the red as the economy weakens “a ridiculous hypothetical scenario.”

He said the question is out of order because the economy won't hit the rocks.

“You're asking me to say what would Canada do if our economy went to hell in a hand basket. This government is running the economy so it can't go to hell in a hand basket,” Mr. Harper told reporters during a campaign stop in London, Ont.

The economic outlook has worsened considerably since the Tory government's 2008 budget, and returns are dropping for commodities such as oil which helped swell Ottawa's coffers. Economists have cut their growth forecasts and the S&P/TSX composite stock index has fallen 40 per cent from its 52-week high. Earlier this week Ottawa was forced to step in with a $25-billion backstop for banks.

But Mr. Harper said there's no recession on the horizon for Canada.

“The fact of the matter is independent analysts, including the International Monetary Fund, says that Canada is not going to go into recession with the current world environment and its current set of domestic policies,” he said. “We're the one country that's going to continue to show some growth.”

He said he's confident there's enough leeway on the books to avoid a deficit given the party's relatively modest platform cost of $8.67-billion over four years and five months.

“And our plans are extremely modest, even within conservative budget projections that we have,” he said.

“Our spending and our tax reductions fit easily within that framework. The fact of the matter is of course we've given ourselves lots of flexibility in terms of how we phase them and in terms of what we advance at what time given the various economic challenges and circumstances.”

At whistle stop in Guelph, Ont., Mr. Harper attacked Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion for saying he'd delay parts of his platform.

“Today, Mr. Dion said he may not actually do anything he promised in his platform – not health care, not child care, not anything else for years. But he is going to do the carbon tax now, no matter what," the Conservative Leader told supporters.

“That's why, friends, we have to stop him.”

The Tory platform boasts of having $8-billion in surplus money left over in Ottawa's fiscal projections for the next four years, even after their platform is enacted.

But in fact there's really only less than a $6-billion surplus in the forecast when one subtracts the $2.3-billion surplus for the current fiscal year that ends March 31, 2009. (The Tories had lumped this year's surplus into their statement that $8-billion of surpluses remain on the books.) However accounting rules do not allow the Tories to carry this money over into future years to balance the books at a later time. And they have already pledged to put any remaining surplus each year into retiring debt.

At first glance, it might appear the Tories have a rich nest egg, aside from the surplus, to help them in the case of a rainy day. That's because neither their platform nor the Department of Finance has announced plans for what Ottawa would do about the $4.25-billion that it raised from the sale of wireless spectrum earlier this year.

But this auction cash may not be the windfall it appears to be.

Because the auction of wireless spectrum licenses was for a 10-year period, accounting rules would appear to force the government to only draw down 10 per cent of the total proceeds, or $425-million, in each year of the next decade.


While most senior economist agree with Harper that “there's no recession on the horizon for Canada,” his assurances that ”there's enough leeway on the books to avoid a deficit given the party's relatively modest platform cost of $8.67-billion over four years and five months” should be treated with a wee bit of suspicion. He says, “Our spending and our tax reductions fit easily within [the platform promises,” but that’s based on hope.

If When the US goes into a long, deep recession we will be hurt; businesses will close, jobs will be lost, tax revenues will fall. Some spending should fall, too. Most people with whom I have spoken and who might reasonably be described as knowledgeable and/or insiders guesstimate that $15 to $25 Billion of our annual spending is wasted and can and should be cancelled (out of about $235 Billion – see here for a good, broad-brush breakdown of where the money goes).

Dion, if he is elected, will, surely, I’m 99%certain, scream (girlishly?), during the very early days, that the Conservatives mismanaged the economy worse then even he imagined and that the cupboards are bare and, while there will be a big, broad, green carbon tax – one on seniors’ home heating fuel and Torontonians gas, too, there will be almost no new social programmes (goodbye publicly funded, government regulated day-care, again) and precious few tax breaks, either. He already knows that the most senior officials in Ottawa – the people who will make his programmes work – favour a broad carbon tax and income tax cuts (corporate and personal) but vehemently oppose new spending – specially on social programmes that are, broadly, matters of provincial jurisdiction. Dion will insist upon big EI increases – the bureaucracy will agree, the boss has to be allowed to win a few.





 
I spent the afternoon looking after the CPC campaign office in our hunk of Leeds-Grenville. Our larder is pretty bare as we are down to about a dozen lawn signs. The main office in Brockville tells me the CPC has put about 5000 signs in response to requests. We have over 400 out around here, and the only red signs seen are real estate ones, with a couple of exceptions. Having said that, I sense interest is low as the advance polls were down 65%, but the last time around the aim was to toss the Liberals out.

As part of the grand strategy my co-workers, that is the sign guy (Ottawa Police) and the guy I split duty with (retired RCMP), and I mapped out how we would handle election day. We have our scrutineers selected and they will go to the five polling stations and phone in the results after voting ceases. We in turn phone these to Brockville where a huge gathering is planned. As for us, we have decided to blow the remainder of our petty cash float on catered goodies, already ordered, and suitable libations. Win, lose or draw, we plan to end the thing with a bang.

So what? Well, Leeds-Grenville is a typical Eastern Ontario rural riding, sort of a Red Deer of the East. (One of the earliest visitors to our office was a nurse from Lethbridge who lives here and works in Ottawa. She remarked that the scenery is different, but the people are the same.) If our experience is typical, this hunk of Ontario will stay blue. I suspect there are many ridings, apt to re-elect various political persuasions, that fall into the same boat. We will be watching, or rather listening because we don't have a TV, to the results and it may be a long night.

A bit from the trenches to put a human touch to the big picture.
 
I expect that my riding, Ottawa Centre will stay NDP. The local MP, Paul Dewar looks to be a shoo-in.

Our Conservative candidate, Brian McGarry is a well known and respected local businessman who, normally, would have given Dewar a run for his money but he (McGarry) has not campaigned at all due to his wife's very serious illness.

The Liberal, Penny Collenette (long time Liberal insider and wife of former MND David Collenette) is a Liberal Star! but she hasn't connected with the riding, I think.

Penny Collenette is a very nice person; smart, too. The Liberal Party of Canada is lucky to have her on the inside. It's too bad they didn't parachute her into a safer riding - she would be a good, effective MP.

Paul Dewar is a good, hard working constituency MP. I'm not going to weep and wail when he's re-elected - not unless we lose by one seat!

 
Was it not Paul Dewar that lost his mother during the campaign? There were 3 MP candidates who did.

$15 to $25 Billion of our annual spending is wasted and can and should be cancelled
Arts & Culture!!




 
GAP said:
Was it not Paul Dewar that lost his mother during the campaign? There were 3 MP candidates who did.

Yes. Matian Dewar was a popular Ottawa mayor and indefatigable NDP stalwart.

She is, perhaps, best remembered as the driving force behind the immigration of the Vietnamese boat people; I hear that was the accomplishment of which she was most proud.
 
After the election, too bad it is not possible to apply, as a (social) experiment, the Green Shift to all the Liberal candidates who where successfully elected or were not.  As the Green Shift is revenue neutral, any costs for the program that just happen to occur ( of course there would not be any cost!!) would also be paid individually by the candidate. The government would pay the costs of the Auditor General to audit the program though, just to make it fair and ensure the costs/benefits were passed on. The experiment could be conducted until the next election is called. Then based on this experience the Liberal Party could state how wonderful the results were. Oh, add all the employees of The Toronto Star, or at least the editorial board, Jim Travers et al.
One too many Martinis tonight.
 
I went to Prime Minister Harper's London campaign stop, and was struck by the man's personal empathy and warmth. I suspect that there is a lot of selective "editing" of the Prime Minister's appearance in the MSM (the front page picture of the Prime minister with his back to the camera after the leader's debate is a prime example), but I also think that he is essentially a private person, and really does not see why he has to share his family and personal life with "us". In a way, the Prime Minister is a victim of our celebrity and Oprah media cultures, which demand that people expose themselves to total strangers.

 
Someone is "a victim of our celebrity and Oprah media cultures, which demand that people expose themselves to total strangers."

Geez, people will come up with an excuse for anything these days. I always thought folks that did that sort of thing were just dirty old men.
 
GAP said:
Arts & Culture!!

Actually, Arts and Culture is a pretty large and important industrial/commercial sector - several tens of thousands of skilled and decently paid Canadians work in that sector. Very, very few of them are on the 'crucifix in a jar of urine" fringes.

We subsidize the Arts for exactly the same reason we subsidize the aerospace sector and the auto industry: to preserve good jobs that earn dollars by exporting their products. 
 
Agreed ER, but I couldn't resist a sly smile as I typed it.... :)
 
This, reproduced under the Fair Dealing provisions (§29) of the Copyright Act from yesterday’s Globe and Mail is worth reading – especially by those who plan, right now, to vote BQ, Green, Liberal or NDP:

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081010.wcosimp11/BNStory/politics/home
Economic illiteracy and the policies of harm

JEFFREY SIMPSON

From Saturday's Globe and Mail
October 10, 2008 at 7:10 PM EDT

Do no harm is hardly exciting policy, but sometimes it's very wise advice. It's too bad political parties in this depressing and negative election campaign were tempted to produce policies that would do considerable harm.

Think about the Green Party Leader's opening remarks in the English-language leaders debate. The government should intervene to bring the dollar down to 80ish cents, Elizabeth May said. Then it should stop foreign takeovers of Canadian business.

This is economic illiteracy of a high order. There's a reason countries have central banks. They exist precisely to keep political hands off the currency, and to do what the Bank of Canada is now doing, and quite intelligently, to steer through the economic catastrophe unfolding daily. Similarly, the stopping of foreign takeovers would or could be met, of course, by reciprocal measures against Canadian companies overseas.

Not content with stopping takeovers, Ms. May and the leaders of the NDP and Bloc Québécois pronounced themselves in favour of a Buy Canada policy, which, if employed by every other country, would crucify the G8 country most dependent on foreign trade - namely Canada.

In NDP land, the party's proposed spending splurge is supposed to be paid for by raising corporate taxes by $50-billion. It was hard to imagine a sillier policy before the economic meltdown, given that capital is mobile and we live in a globalized economy. Now, of course, profits are tanking everywhere. So a policy that would have killed jobs by making companies less competitive before the downdraft would now kill even more - especially in manufacturing, the very sector the NDP purports to worry so much about.

It's a recipe for capital flight, lower profits, job losses.

Put matters another way: The economic downdraft of historic proportions, post-Depression, makes a mockery of the economic assumptions of the NDP's platform - and of the platforms of all the parties. The economy will now enter an extended period of slowdown.

Large companies, including nameplate North American car manufacturers, might just go bankrupt. Even the wealthy oil industry is going to get hammered. Bank stocks have slid sickeningly. So much for the NDP's favourite whipping boys: banks and oil companies. Both are hurting badly, as are those who own their shares, including individuals with mutual funds, union pension funds and the mythical "ordinary Canadians" with their RRSPs.

Government revenues are going to fall as the economy heads toward zero growth, and government expenditures will rise for such things as unemployment insurance (notwithstanding yesterday's excellent job-creation numbers).

The Liberals' grand "plan" was always more eyewash than substance. It, too, was based on excessively optimistic growth assumptions, and these have now gone bye-bye. The notion of speeding up infrastructure projects to inject fast money into the economy mostly can't be done, since projects take a long time to be planned - but if done will almost certainly lead to cost overruns and mistakes made in haste.

The Conservatives brag about being good stewards of the economy, but they haven't been. They inherited a big surplus, and spent most of it on two of the least useful things a federal government could do to improve productivity and competitiveness: They gave billions to the provinces, for which they got no thanks, and sliced the GST by two points.

They also ran down the cushion of the contingency fund, so as the effects of the downdraft become apparent, the government will be heading for a deficit, something the Conservatives are pledged to avoid.

But one supposes 'twas often, if not always, thus, in that campaigns bring out some of the worst in political actors who do not level with people, who engage in systematic exaggerations, and who play on emotions rather than reason.

The same dynamics have gripped the U.S. campaign, where John McCain and his airhead running mate, Sarah Palin, are actually telling a country with a $500-billion deficit that is about to balloon, an almost $10-trillion foreign indebtedness, astronomical levels of personal indebtedness and a staggering oil deficit that the answers lie in cutting taxes for everyone and "drill, baby, drill."

And the apparent new president, Barack Obama, is only slightly better, promising to cut taxes on "only" 95 per cent of Americans, while driving up spending on all sorts of new and old programs. Americans can only hope that Mr. Obama will do a Franklin Roosevelt right after his inauguration: Ditch at least some of what he promised during the campaign, level with Americans, and deal with reality rather than rhetoric. (Asked in two televised debates what adjustments to his promises he would make because of the downdraft, Mr. Obama barely hinted at changes before repeating his standard promises.)

Canada, fortunately, is in better shape than the United States - the epicentre of bad government, greed and hubris for the past eight years. On both sides of the border, the economic downdraft mocks much of what campaigning politicians have said, even if they refuse to acknowledge it.


Most economists agree with Simpson that GST cuts are bad economic policy because the GST, like all consumption taxes – including a carbon tax, is about as ‘good’ as a tax can be. But, the GST cuts are good national policy because they take money away from government and it is hard to re-impose a tax that was, once-upon-a-time, cut. Whenever we say or write the word “government” we should think: smaller is better: “The government is best which governs least.” (Thomas Paine)

Voting for BQ, Green or NDP candidates is the same as trying to put the inmates in charge of the asylum. We are in the midst of a global economic crisis; this is not the time for the Marxists, nor the Marxists-Leninists, nor even the Groucho Marxists.

The Liberals have some excellent candidates and some good ideas but they are poorly ineptly led by a man who cannot get the priorities in order. They are not ready to govern Canada again. Leaving aside the vestiges of Trudeaumania that still make nonsense of too many of their policies and proposals, they need to stay in the political ’wilderness’ for a while longer to sort out heir own, internal affairs.

Only about ⅓ of Canadians think the Tories are really ‘good’ for the country but many more suspect that there’s no one any better, right now; they’re right – both groups.

I, personally, as someone who I hope some of you think of as a reasonably level headed old soldier, urge any undecided to “hold your noses” and vote Tory, for the good of the country.
 
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