In battle all appears to be turmoil and confusion, but the flags and banners have prescribed arrangements. (Sun Tzu, Art of War, c. 700 B.C.)
The symbolism of a flag. Men and women have fought and died for what such a piece of cloth represents. Some have performed outrageous acts for the sake of what they “perceive” it to mean and some have ascribed a greater significance to the flag than to the people (individually and collectively) it represents. Canada has a long history of trying to figure out what it means to be “Canadian”. For much of our history we were identified as being just a small (perhaps minor) part of a greater empire or by what we were not. “We’re (or not) British”. "We’re not American”. And of course the “duality” of our founding has added to the discussion. Our use of flags has been just a reflection of that dilemma. So what was that reflection years ago, when flags were used much more than today as a national rallying point or identifier in times of war. Examples of a flag, either the Royal Union Flag or one of the many versions of the Red Ensign , being used in recruiting advertisements or on rare occasions in the field overseas have already been posted here. But who rallied to what colour?
http://www.civilization.ca/cwm/disp/dis001_e.html
Fully two-thirds of the men of the first contingent had been born in the British Isles. Most had settled in Canada in the 15-year period of massive immigration which had preceded the Great War. The same attachment to the Mother Country was less obvious among the Canadian born, especially French Canadians, of whom only about 1000 enlisted in the first contingent. At the time war was declared, only 10 percent of the population of Canada was British born. Yet, by the Armistice in 1918, nearly half of all Canadians who served during the war had been born in the British Isles. These statistics indicate that voluntary enlistments among the Canadian born were never equal to their proportion of the population.
Following the despatch of this first contingent, the Department of Militia and Defence delegated the task of recruiting to militia units across the country. This decentralized and more orderly system raised a total of 71 battalions — each of approximately 1000 men — for service overseas. Posters, which appeared in every conceivable public space, were an important part of this large recruiting effort. The poster text and images were usually designed and printed by the units themselves and tailored to local conditions and interests. Many of the posters on display are good examples of these.
Recruitment, however, was already tapering off in the fall of 1915. In October of that year, Ottawa bowed to the pressure of patriotic groups and allowed any community, civilian organization or leading citizen able to bear the expense to raise an infantry battalion for the CEF. Some of the new battalions were raised on the basis of ethnicity or religion, others promoted a common occupational or institutional affiliation or a shared social interest, such as membership in sporting clubs, as the basis of their organization. For example, Danish Canadians raised a battalion, two battalions recruited "Bantams," men under 5 feet 2 inches tall, and one Winnipeg battalion was organized for men abstaining from alcohol. Up to October 1917 this "patriotic" recruiting yielded a further 124,000 recruits divided among 170 usually understrength infantry battalions.
In July 1915, with two contingents already overseas and more units forming, Ottawa set the authorized strength of the CEF at 150,000 men. Extremely heavy Canadian casualties that spring during the Second Battle of Ypres indicated that additional manpower would be required on an unprecedented scale. There would be no quick end to the fighting. In October, Borden increased Canada's troop commitment to 250,000; by the new year, this had risen to 500,000. This was an almost unsustainable number on a voluntary basis from a population base of less than eight million. Within months, voluntary enlistments for Canadian infantry battalions slowed to a trickle.
Unemployment had been high in 1914-1915, and this perhaps had prompted the initially heavy flow of enlistments, especially from economically-troubled Western Canada. By 1916, the booming wartime industrial and agricultural economies combined to provide Canadians with other options and employers competed with recruiting officers for Canada's available manpower. Those keen to volunteer had already done so; the rest would have to be convinced — or compelled.
By the end of 1916, the CEF's front-line units required 75,000 men annually just to replace losses, which were extremely heavy among the infantry; yet, only 2800 infantry volunteers enlisted from July 1916 to October 1917 and not a single infantry battalion raised through voluntary recruitment after July 1916 reached full strength.
Some additional examples of recruiting posters. Probabably from early in the war when the Union Flag may have been more prominently used. (and helmets were not)
However some (from Central Recruiting Committee, No. 2 Military Division, Toronto, 1915) made use of both flags.
And there were also some very specific recruiting campaigns such as this one aimed at Jews. Though this poster may have been a copy of an British one which may explain the use of the Union Flag.
Britain expects every son of Israel to do his duty
Poster shows a soldier cutting the bonds from a Jewish man, who strains to join a group of soldiers running in the distance and says, "You have cut my bonds and set me free - now let me help you set others free!" Above are portraits of Rt. Hon. Herbert Samuel, Viscount Reading, and Rt. Hon. Edwin S. Montagu, all Jewish members of the British parliament.
Text continues: Enlist with the infantry reinforcement for overseas under the command of Captain [Isidor] Freedman, Headquarters, 786 St. Lawrence Boulevard, Montreal.
A version was also used with the
text in Hebrew
Of course not all recruiting advertisement made use of a flag, some provided some very sensible information.
Use of the Red Ensign during the war.
This small photo is identified as “Mobilization camp in Vernon, B.C”. While the date is unclear, it appears to be an ensign flying from the flagpole.
There is some well known film footage of Canadian soldiers crossing the Rhine at Bonn and passing General Currie on the saluting dais. Though it is not clear from this out take (couldn’t find one from a different perspective) of the flags flying, this (NFB) description of the film made by the Canadian War Records Office, Ministry of Information provides some info.
This footage documents the arrival in Bonn of British cavalry units on December 12, 1918, and the arrival the next day of the 2nd Canadian Division. Events are not depicted in their actual sequence. A segment filmed along a country road showing Currie taking the salute from passing troops — some on horseback and others pushing bicycles — was probably shot in the Bonn area during the same period. This is followed by scenes shot at the Canadian Corps Headquarters, where Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig is paying a formal visit. In a separate segment, a travelling shot shows a line of mounted Canadian staff officers.
December 13 was the date set by the Allies for crossing the Rhine — an event with even greater significance than crossing the German border. . . .
The following day, under pouring rain, the men of the 2nd Canadian Division, commandeered by Major-General Sir H.E. “Harry” Burstall, entered the city. The parade of troops was 18 km (eleven miles) long and took over five hours to cross the bridge. Some scenes from this momentous event are documented here — in the sections that show Currie standing on a dais to the left of the bridge. Although the clip does not depict the parade in its actual sequence, we know that troops marched in order of seniority. . . .
Note the presence of a small Canadian Red Ensign on the dais — one of the first instances of its use by the Canadian Army in the field, and a sign of the greater sense of Canadian nationhood that had emerged over the course of the First World War. The Union Jack, the flag normally used by Canadians during the war, can also be seen, to the left of the frame.
Though it has already been shown that the Canadian Red Ensign had been occasionally used (either officially or unofficially) during the war, it is significant that such a description of its use was made for this widely viewed film footage.
But use of flags extended beyond recruiting campaigns and patriotic symbols to stir the nation. It also was a symbol of past and faithful service when the guns were silent.
Rt. Hon. W.L. Mackenzie King laying a wreath during Remembrance Day Service on Parliament Hill, Nov. 11, 1937, Ottawa. Note the many Union Flags lining the steps, perhaps held by veterans displaying the flag under which they served.
General Currie’s 1933 funeral procession. Though he has been recognized as partially responsible for ensuring that the Canadians during the Great War were identified as being distinctly Canadian, he is laid to rest under the flag which he served.
And Currie was not the only one laid to rest under the Royal Union Flag. Though I wasn’t able to find any photos of overseas military funeral ceremonies, there is this description of the military funeral of N/S Forneri.
http://www.johnowensmith.co.uk/churches/bramshoi.htm
Sister AGNES FLORIEN FORNERI
NURSING SISTER'S BURIAL - The late Miss Forneri of Kingston Given Full Honors - Particulars have come to hand of the funeral obsequies of the late Nursing Sister Agnes Florien Forneri, who died in the Canadian Hospital, Bramshott, on the 24th April (1918). Miss Forneri was buried with military honors, every battalion in the camp being represented. The coffin was draped with the Union Jack and was borne on a gun carriage, her hat resting on the top among the flowers. The six officers who were pallbearers, and the senior chaplain, Major Hepburn, followed. Then came the matron of the hospital and the nurses and a large number of patients, her own and others, some of whom could hardly walk, and who carried several lovely wreaths and other floral tributes, among which was an enlarged maple leaf composed of white and yellow flowers, given by "her boys" as a token of affection and esteem. The service (Anglican) was conducted by the senior chaplain, the first part in the hospital and the remainder beside the open grave in the nearby churchyard of Bramshott church, a beautiful burying ground, which look more like a garden than a cemetery. There was a large firing party, and at the end, "The Last Post" was sounded. All was most beautiful and impressive, the band contributing its exquisite strains to the pathetic and solemn effect, and then the burial. The spot in which Miss Forneri lies, with another devoted sister, is in a special part of the cemetery which has been set aside for Canadian soldiers. These nursing sisters rest beside the men they served and for whom they gave their best. And it is most fitting that our dear Canadian sisters should be buried like soldiers and in a soldier's grave, for they are indeed as brave and true as any soldier and "faithful unto death."
Her name is here in the
Book of Remembrance.
"Flag Flying" an editorial from the Toronto Mail and Empire of 5 June 1925
. . . ordinary flag owner need pay attention to are few and simple. For him is just one flag that can properly be flown; that is the Union Jack. The Red Ensign, called the Canadian Flag, with the Canadian Coat of Arms in the field is proper only afloat. . . . In hoisting the flag the broad white stripe of the Cross of St. Andrew should be next to the mast-head for if reversed it is an indication of distress. The flag should never be hoisted before sunrise, nor should it continue to fly after sunset.
And what was the view we wanted our neighbours to the south to have?
But then, Canada wasn't the only member of the British Empire that was beginning to assume an identity of its own with some similiar (though not as much) flag issues.
rly: Some opinion pieces are hard to take seriously.
